The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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Of note is the fact that the number is often separated from the noun it modifies by the verb, that is, the numeral precedes the usual VSO word order, as shown in the following examples: 57) *aqstitútu kintáawa láas%us% /’aqsti-tutu& kin-taa-waa láasus"/ SLICE-3 1OBJ-COM-eat orange ‘he offered me three slices of orange to eat’ 58) peeqtútu tsanqaniiyáan mimpulátu /peeq-tutu& tsanqa-nii-aa-ni& min-pulatu/ DISH-3 lack-DAT-IMPF-2OBJ 2POSS-plate ‘you lack three plates’ 3.6.2 Numeral classifiers. I have collected 26 numeral classifiers, which are shown in Table 3.29 along with their approximate meaning. This list is not exhaustive; speakers offered several more but were unsure of their usage, so I have omitted them. As noted above, many of the classifiers are shape-related (see Levy 1999); and/or have the same origin as body part nouns, and to participate in the same metaphorical semantic expansion as the body part prefixes (BPP) (see the list of BPPs in Table 5.2). Thus paa- is both a BPP and a numeral classifier, both of which refer to belly-shaped things; qan- also serves both functions, and counts objects that are long and nosed-shaped, like pencils. A few classifiers are etymologically related to BPPs, but count shapes that are difficult to relate to the body part referred to, such as pi#-, which is the neck-related BPP, but counts handfuls. Table 3.29 Numeral classifiers Classifier For counting: Similar/Same as: ’amaq- X more times ’aq- Spherical objects (also the default classifier) head-related BPP ’aqa- Spherical/round objects on a stem, like flowers, trees ’aqsti- Slices, furrows ! ".*! ear-related BPP c"aa- People and chiles leg-related BPP ki#- Objects with an opening that is pursed to close it, like a sack ki#'ak- Pieces of wood or firewood ki#mak- Floor in a house; used without a noun, i.e., ki"maktútu s%c%iki& ‘his house has three floors' mouth-related BPP
laq- Coins laka- Places, towns face-related BPP laqa- Flat surfaces, like sheets of paper, fields face-related BPP liiqa#a- Number of people involved in carrying something liic"aa- Same as above mak- Flat things, like sheets, books, empty sacks maq- Times, e.g., maqtím ‘once’, maqtó’ ‘twice’ paa- Containers like buckets, or items with a wider girth in the middle like corncobs ! ".+! belly-related BPP peeq- Empty plates and cups arm-related BPP pis"- Handfuls neck-related BPP pooqa#- Mounds planted with several corn seeds puu- Pairs of things like shoes, or clothing outfits ‘inside’ puu'ak- Piles of things puulak- Types or species BPP/locative qa#- Pieces of meat mouth-related BPP qan- Long narrow things, like posts, pencils, wires nose-related BPP qee- Full sacks, rolls of firewood, bananas back-related BPP tan- Animals rear-related BPP tuu- Filled plates and cups 59) *aq-tím i c%íwis% 60) c%aa-"uuwa pin* NC-1 ep stone NC-many chile ‘one stone’ ‘many chiles’ 61) puu-tími "áqati& 62) laka-tutu n kaa-cikí-n k-lakapás NC-1 clothing NC-3 ep LOC-house-PL 1SUB-recognize ‘one set of clothing’ ‘I know three towns’ 63) puulak-tím in $i$í’i" 64) qa"-tó’ k-wáa-"i liiwán NC-1ep dog NC-2 1SUB-eat-PFTV ‘one species of dog’ ‘I ate two pieces of meat’
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76: 196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84: Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86: colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88: 212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90: piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92: penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94: 3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96: 3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98: 4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100: 11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102: Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103: 3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107: 3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115: When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117: 3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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