The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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simplification and deletion rules affecting these suffixes (see §2.6.4.4.3.2), they often fail to surface phonogically, so that the non-final stress pattern is what most reliably distinguishes this aspect from the imperfective. In FM Totonac, -ti" (in conjunction with –paa PROG) marks the progressive as well as the perfective aspect, so it is not strictly a perfective marker, unlike in some other Totonac languages e.g., Misantla. The perfective markers occur in the same suffix position 14 as the person agreement suffixes, and therefore cannot co-occur with them. When both are required by the morphosyntax, it is the person markers that block the perfective suffixes and assign stress. 188)/maqtaqal-li&/ 189) /maqtaqal-ni&/ care.for-PFTV care.for-2OBJ [maqtáqa#] [maqtaqá#ni&] ‘she cared for it’ ‘she cared for you’ 190)/ta-qas"mat-li&/ 191) /qas"pat-titi&/ 3SUB.pl-listen-PFTV listen2-2SUB.pl [taqás"mat#] [qas"pátit%i&] ‘they listened’ ‘you pl. listened’ 192)/ka-taa-skuh-ti&/ 193) /s"-ti-ta-skin-li&/ IRR-COM-work-2SUB.sg PAST-CNTR-MV-PFTV [katáaskuht%i&] [s"titáski#] ‘work!’ ‘they should have requested it’ 2.7.2.1.5 Person markers and stress. The three person agreement markers of suffix position 14 assign stress to the syllable that immediately precedes them underlyingly. The stress pattern they impose can only be overridden by the enclitic =ku’u", which follows them and assigns final stress. These person-marking suffixes are 2 nd object –ni", first plural –w! and 2 nd subject plural –titi". In addition, the construction that adds the constricted glottis feature which marks a 2nd singular subject in the imperfective and perfect aspects has the same effect on stress, causing it to fall on the syllable preceding the one the floating [cg] feature is attached to (always the final consonant of the word.) 194)/na-k-qas"i-aa-ni&/ 195) /k-waayan-c"a’a&-wa&-li&/ FUT-1SUB-punch-IMPF-2OBJ 1EXC-eat-THERE-1pl-PFTV [nakqas"iyáan] [kwaayanc"a’áw] ‘I’m going to punch you’ ‘we ate over there’ ! )*!
196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /pin-niita&-[cg]/ REC-see-PROG2-2SUB.pl go-PRFT-2SUB.sg [laalaaqtsimpáatit%i&] [piníit’a&] ‘you (pl) are looking at each other’ ‘you have gone’ 2.7.2.1.6 Enclitic =kú’u! and stress. The enclitic =kú’u", meaning ‘just’ or ‘still’ and occurring in the final post-verbal position, always takes the primary stress of the word it attaches to, overriding any stress patterns assigned by previously affixed morphemes. 198)/anu laa-maa=ku’u&/ 199) /k-puu-c"eqee-li&=ku’u&/ there live-PROG-JUST 1SUB-INS-clean-PFTV=JUST [‘anú laa-maa-kú’u&] [kpuuc"eqeekú’u&] ‘he’s still living there’ ‘I just cleaned it inside’ 2.7.2.2 Compound stress. Compound nouns are characterized by a particular pattern of stress falling on the final syllable of the penult member of the compound. The penult member is usually the first one, since compounds generally contain two members, but compounds of three nouns are possible, for example, munc'ulu-seeqná-pa"m"a ‘swamp banana leaf’. The first member of a compound may be any part of speech, the second is always a noun. This stress pattern distinguishes compound nouns from nouns prefixed by body part morphemes, for example. Table 2.10 Compound nouns kas%tíla ‘Spanish’ máyak'i& ‘vine’ puksnan ‘it stinks’ lakán ‘face’ luuwa& ‘snake’ s%uuna& ‘bitter’ c%aw’a& ‘tortilla’ stáp'u& ‘bean’ kiw’i& ‘tree' xúuk’i& ‘deer’ skiti& ‘fish’ taq'o& ‘grandfather’ ! )+! kas%tilánc%aw’a& ‘bread’ mayákstap'u& ‘vine-bean’ puksnánkiw’i& ‘cedar’ lakáxuuk’i& ‘species of ant’ luuwáskiti& ‘snake-fish’ s%uunátaq'o ‘greatgrandfather’
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24: 1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26: Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28: Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30: seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31 and 32: 2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 33 and 34: 13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
Page 35 and 36: 17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38: 21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40: Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41 and 42: 2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43 and 44: "panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 45 and 46: ’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48: 2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50: 2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52: There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54: 2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66: consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70: fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72: of words I have included as followi
Page 73: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84: Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86: colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88: 212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90: piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92: penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94: 3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96: 3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98: 4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100: 11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102: Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103: 3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107: 3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115: When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117: 3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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