The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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ks%patá ‘I mash it’ ks%tiit ‘I tear it’ ks%ka ‘I bite it’ ks%qaanán ‘I shell (corn)’ ks%mití ‘I spin (yarn)’ ks%núxut h i& ‘in the vein’ ks%lit ‘I slip’ ks%watitátsan’ ‘in the molar’ k"putuunún ‘in the fog’ k"túkit h i& ‘in the corn meal drink’ k"kák h a& ‘in the ashes’ k"qooNq" ‘I snore’ k"napú ‘I cover it’ k"wakák’a& ‘in the liver’ s%tsaalaníi ‘he had fled’ s%tlaawáma ‘he was walking’ s%c%ík’i& ‘his house’ s%yúxma ‘it was falling’ 2.5.2 Final consonant clusters. As noted in §2.3.2.3, the only single consonant that may not occur in word final position is the affricate tl. Final tautosyllabic clusters permitted include only the uvular and velar stops followed by a coronal fricative, and any such (pos)velar-fricative clusters preceded by a nasal. There are also four exceptional clusters -mp, -mp#, -n$, and -q"$, found only in laka#úmpi" ‘aggressive-looking’; k$imp# ‘I blink’; laq$íin$ ‘diaper’, ‘aq$íiin$ ‘mare’; and paq"$i" ‘tomato’. Additionally, in bimorphemic syllables, -nt, -nts, and –mp are possible. All final clusters in monomorphemes are relatively rare outside of the ideophonic stratum of the lexicon; only about 5% of all words in my database with a final consonant cluster are nonideophonic. Table 2.8 Legal final clusters (bolded found in multimorphemic words only) ks ks" k# qs qs" q# nks nks" nk# nqs nqs" nq# mp mps" nc" q#c" mp nt nts 34) Examples of word-final consonant clusters takáks ‘he quiets down’ laktúks" ‘I break it’ tamák" ‘what is found’ peeqs ‘sound of slapping’ ’aqc%éqs" ‘he trips’ toq" ‘s/he pushes him’ ktsinks ‘I am hungry’ links" ‘s/he jumps’ kponqsnún ‘I wash (clothes)’ c%ink" ‘sound of hammering ! #*! nails’
’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooNq" ‘sound of snoring’ lakas%úmp'i& ‘aggressive-looking’ kc%imps" ‘I blink’ ’aqc%íinc" ‘mare’ paq"c%a& ‘tomato’ wayáamp’i& ‘you ate over there’ kac%iwíinant’i& ‘speak!’ mis%kiniitánts' ‘he already gave it to you’ 2.5.3 Root harmony constraints. Roots in FM Totonac are governed by three constraints on the co-occurrence of consonants, one of which, uvular harmony, continues to be active within certain morphological contexts (see §2.6.2.1). Uvular harmony requires that dorsal stops within a root be underlyingly either all [+back] or all [-back], thus /k/ and /q/ never co-occur within a root, e.g., qooq h o& ‘mute’ and "wakák’a& ‘liver’. Fricative harmony disallows coronal fricatives of more than one place/manner within a root, that is /s/, /s"/, and /#/ cannot co-occur within a morpheme. This generalization is not always surface true because of the spirantization of syllable-final l (see §2.6.1.2). The fricative harmony process is generally not synchronically active in FM Totonac, unlike in other varieties of Totonac, such as Misantla (McKay 1999:36). (However, see §2.6.2.2.2.3 for a *s%-s" constraint that causes dissimilation of adjacent alveopalatal fricatives across a morpheme boundary.) Examples of words with internal fricative harmony are séqsi ‘sweet’ and s%éqs%i ‘salty-sweet’. Similarly, affricate harmony prevents more than one of the (coronal) affricates--ts, c%, tl-- within a single morpheme (tsiitsi" ‘rash’, $e$ ‘pitahaya fruit’), but no synchronic constraints enforce this harmony in larger domains. Since affricates may be analyzed as having a sequence of +continuant/-continuant features (Sagey 1986), affricate harmony may be seen as simply the response of the fricative portion of the segments to the fricative harmony constraint. If this were the case, we would expect fricatives to combine only with affricates with a matching release. This is generally true; however four exceptional morphemes in the non-ideophonic lexicon (shown below) and several ideophones contain a fricative and an affricate with a different fricative release: 35) Examples of non-harmonic words c%eq" ‘puddle’ c%utóq" ‘s/he pulls it off’ paq"c%a& ‘tomato’ ta"ts’ ‘seed’ 2.5.4 Approximant restrictions. The three approximants—l, y, and w—cannot precede segments that are featurally too similar to them. This means that l cannot precede the lateral fricative (nor follow it), y cannot precede i, and w cannot precede u within a word. There are two exceptions to the *yi constraint: sayín ‘rain’ which is historically sa’in, and #kayíw’! ‘green’. An ! #+!
Page 1 and 2: The phonology and morphology of Fil
Page 3 and 4: Abstract The phonology and morpholo
Page 5 and 6: Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
Page 7 and 8: 2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
Page 9 and 10: 3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
Page 11 and 12: 5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
Page 13 and 14: References ........................
Page 15 and 16: List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
Page 19 and 20: Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
Page 21 and 22: soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24: 1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26: Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28: Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30: seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31 and 32: 2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 33 and 34: 13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
Page 35 and 36: 17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38: 21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40: Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41 and 42: 2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43: "panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 47 and 48: 2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50: 2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52: There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54: 2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66: consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70: fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72: of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76: 196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84: Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86: colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88: 212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90: piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92: penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94: 3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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