The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on affix ordering P19-11 P11-5 P5-1 0 S1-3 S4-10 S11-15 Fixed Variable Fixed/Scopal Root Fixed The variable affixes have a most frequent order (that shown in Appendix B), but may occur in reverse order with no difference in meaning, even when they stand in a scopal relation to one another. For example, k-tii-kaa-taa-staa-náw (1SUB.exclusive-PASS-OBJ.pl-COM-sell- HAB.1pl) and k-kaa-tii-taa-staa-náw (1SUB.exclusive-OBJ.pl-PASS-COM-sell-HAB.1pl) (9,5 mjl), with the Pass-by and object plural markers reversed, can both mean ‘we passed by with them and sold’ or ‘we passed by and sold with them’. The affixes capable of variable order are all derivational, with one exception, the object plural person agreement prefix kaa- The reversed order most often occurs with adjacent affixes, but is sometimes found with affixes several positions apart. The type of variability permitted differs pre- and post-root, with much greater freedom to reverse order found among the prefixes, as will be detailed separately in the following subsections. I class an affix as capable of variable order if it can appear on the rootward side of an inner affix. If it does not have that ability, even if other outer affixes can move to its inner side, I count it as having fixed or scopal order. This is found, for example, with the dative (suffix position 3), which cannot appear on the root side of position 1-2 suffixes, but can be separated from the stem by the DOWN morpheme (position 4) or the ambulative (position 5). No phonological factors have been found to influence affix order; most of the prefixes involved have the shape CVV-. Languages characterized by such non-semantic variability in affix ordering are rare in the literature, but several researchers have recently reported cases in other languages of Mexico (see Beck 2007a for the closely related Upper Necaxa Totonac; Caballero 2008 for Choguits Rarámuri; Kim 2009 for San Francisco del Mar Huave ) and in a Sino-Tibetan language (Bickel 2007). Section 6.2.1 will describe the methodology used to elicit the affix permutations, and §6.2.2 will discuss some general conditions on variability; then, as no affix varies between prefixal and suffixal status, §6.2.3 will cover prefix variability separately, and finally, §6.2.4 will discuss suffix variability. ! #.*! Variable Fixed
6.2.1 Methodology. Because the variable affix order described here is unusual crosslinguistically, and because the data-gathering techniques employed were necessarily somewhat problematical, I will describe my methodology in detail. I became aware of the possibility of variation when attempting to discover the exact order of the many verbal affixes. A consultant would provide me a verb with the affixes in one order, either during elicitation or in a narrative, and later give the same verb with the affix order reversed, or one consultant would give a different affix order than another consultant. Occasionally a speaker would spontaneously offer two different forms as a translation of the same Spanish phrase, for example h-kii-kaa-$eqeé-w (1SUB.exc-RT-LOC-wash-1pl) and h-kaa-kii-$eqeé-w (1SUB.exc- LOC-RT-wash-1pl) (4,82 magc) for ‘we went, cleaned the place and returned’, with the roundtrip and locative morphemes reversed. When I asked about the discrepancy, they would often tell me ‘es igual’—‘it’s the same’. This led me to try to discover the limits of affix variability. Because of the large number of verbal morphemes that may co-occur, and the extremely low probability of all possible combinations occurring in natural speech or narratives available to me, I decided to systematically elicit every combination of semantically compatible affix pairs, both derivational and inflectional. I therefore prepared two Spanish sentences for every affix pair that would elicit the target combination, and separately asked two consultants, JSF and MJL, to interpret one set of sentences in FM Totonac. Many of these attempts failed to elicit the target, but eventually I gathered two sentences for every affix combination. Then, on different days, I presented each of these Totonac verbs with the target affixes in reverse order separately to JSF and MJL, and asked them what they meant. That is, each speaker was asked about all of the sentences elicited from both. When context had been necessary to elicit the original sentence, I provided that context to the consultant when asking for the meaning. Later I did the same with a third set of sentences and the same two consultants, and less systematically with many other verbs and one or the other speaker. I also presented each of them with the verbs with reverse order affixes that I found in free narratives and asked their meaning. Whatever their response to the reverse affix order verb, I then asked about the equivalent verb with the affixes in standard order. This process was accomplished over several field visits of 2-5 weeks in length in 2006 and 2007. I also elicited some forms with three or more affixes in various free orders, but I found the results questionable, with consultants rapidly losing their ability to judge the grammaticality of such forms. I therefore excluded such forms from the results reported here. I did occasionally find a spontaneous form in a narrative with permutations involving more than two affixes, such as: 1) kaataalaaliipín’a& /kaa-taa-laa-lii-pin-aa-[cg]/ OBJ.pl-COM-REC-INST-go2-IMPF-2SUB.sg ‘you get along with them’ (5,177 mjl) (standard order would be: OBJ.pl-REC-INST-COM) ! #.+!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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