The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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Table 2.5 Syllable types CV la ‘s/he lives’ CVV c%aa ‘s/he cooks it’ CVC tan’ ‘you go’ CCV s%tu ‘be out’ CCVV staa ‘s/he sells it’ CCVC spun ‘bird’ CCVCC stunk ‘s/he straightens it’ CVCCC c%imps% ‘s/he blinks’ CCCVC kstak ‘I grow’ CVVC qawáac%a& ‘boy’ CVVCC lóonqn&i& ‘cold' CCCVVCCC k"qoonq" ‘I snore’ 2.5.1 Initial consonant clusters. The consonant clusters that occur in monomorphemes in the word-initial position are any coronal fricative followed by any oral or nasal stop, or l or w, with the exception of the cluster *"l. Table 2.6 Legal initial consonant clusters (monomorphemes) sp st sk sq sm sn sl sw s"p s"t s"k s"q s"m s"n s"l s"w #p #t #k #q #m #n ---- #w 32) Examples of word intial monomorphemic consonant clusters spun ‘bird’ stak ‘it grows’ skáat'i& ‘flea’ sqaam’a& ‘corn plant leaf’ smukúk'u& ‘yellow’ snat ‘s/he embraces it’ slamám’a& ‘shiny’ swaká ‘s/he grinds (coffee)’ s%pipiléeq'e& ‘butterfly’ s%tíilan ‘chicken’ s%kit'a& ‘bat’ s%qaqá ‘it dawns’ s%mití ‘s/he spins (yarn)’ s%núxut h i& ‘vein’ s%láwat h i& ‘ drool’ s%watá ‘s/he drags it’ ! #(!
"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "tantál’a& ‘naked’ "kák h a& ‘ashes’ "qónaan ‘red corn’ "maan ‘long’ "napáp h a& ‘pale’ "wakák’a& ‘liver’ FM Totonac has a verbal prefix and a nominal prefix of the form k-, the first person singular subject and the locative case markers. Two prefixes #- also exist, the past tense and the third person possessive morphemes. Both #- prefixes dissimilate to k preceeding #. When any of these C- prefixes attach to a consonant-initial stem, they create additional legal consonant clusters. Derived geminates do not usually degeminate in this context. Table 2.7 Legal initial consonant clusters (multimorphemes) kp kt kk kq kts kc" ktl ks ks" k# kx km kn kl ky kw ksp kst ksk ksq ksm ksn ksl ksw ks"p ks"t ks"k ks"q ks"m ks"n ks"l ks"w k#p k#t k#k k#q k#m k#n ---- k#w s"ts s"tl s"c" s"y 33) Examples of word-intial multimorphemic consonant clusters kpas" ‘I bathe’ ktamaawá ‘I buy it’ kkanahlá ‘I believe’ kqa"í ‘I have it’ ktsapá ‘I sew it’ kc%ii ‘I tie it’ ktlawá ‘I make it’ ksarapésa ‘in the beer’ ks%amá ‘I touch it’ k"aqaanán ‘I dress’ kxas" ‘I rest’ kmís%tat h i& ‘in the steam’ knii ‘I die’ klaqatí ‘I like it’ kyaa ‘I stand’ kwá"tin ‘in the mirror’ kspa" ‘I caress him’ kstak ‘I grow’ kskin ‘I ask for it’ ksqonó’o& ‘in the fire’ ksmaní ‘I become used to’ ksnat ‘I embrace him’ kslúluk h i& ‘in the lizard’ kswaká ‘I grind (coffee)’ ! #)!
Page 1 and 2: The phonology and morphology of Fil
Page 3 and 4: Abstract The phonology and morpholo
Page 5 and 6: Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
Page 7 and 8: 2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
Page 9 and 10: 3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
Page 11 and 12: 5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
Page 13 and 14: References ........................
Page 15 and 16: List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
Page 19 and 20: Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
Page 21 and 22: soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24: 1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26: Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28: Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30: seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31 and 32: 2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 33 and 34: 13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
Page 35 and 36: 17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38: 21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40: Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41: 2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 45 and 46: ’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48: 2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50: 2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52: There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54: 2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66: consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70: fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72: of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76: 196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84: Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86: colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88: 212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90: piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92: penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94:
3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98:
4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107:
3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189:
134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263:
tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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