The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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It appears that the glottal stop is being relegated to the primary role of prosodic boundary marker in FM Totonac. Of the four forms with morpheme-internal $, one, sa’in, is pronounced by many speakers as sayín. It is possible that $aa’án ‘ant’ is actually a bimorphemic word ($aa ‘leg’ and ’án ‘go’), in which case there are no content words with a robust morpheme-internal $. The glottal stop internal to the two suffixes -qe’e and -qo’o is not heard unless these morphemes occur prepausally, or is heard only as creaky voice on the surrounding vowels; its presence is historical and is inferred synchronically by the stress behavior of words containing these morphemes (see §2.7.2). 2.3.2 Affricates. Following Sagey (1986), I analyze each of the three affricates as single segments with a sequence of +continuant/-continuant features, specifically coronal stop-coronal fricative. They pattern with the stops in terms of processes affecting the left edge, for example, homorganic nasal assimilation and postlexical nasal epenthesis, which occur only preceding word-initial stops and affricates (see §2.6.1.1.2 and §2.6.5.2). The affricates pattern with the fricatives in observing the fricative harmony constraint, which disallows different fricatives within a single morpheme (although there are four exceptions--see §2.5.3). The affricates do not enter into tautomorphemic initial consonant clusters, although like all other segments, they can combine with the prefixes k- and #-, as in k$ux ‘I spit’, or #tsiits’i" ‘his/her rash’. In final clusters, only the nasal-affricate -nts and –n$ are possible, with the exception of the unusual cluster ending paq"$! ‘tomato’. Sections 2.5.1 and 2.5.2 provide more details on affricates in consonanant clusters. All of the affricates have roles in sound symbolism (see §2.8). 2.3.2.1 /ts/. /ts/ is a voiceless coronal affricate whose closure portion is a dental stop and whose release portion is an alveolar fricative. It is likely that this phoneme can only appear morphemeinitially; since all the morpheme-final examples of ts are glottalized, they may be related to the enclitic =ts’ ‘YA’. 12) Examples of /ts/ [tsaa#] ‘net’ [tsaqts’] ‘corn on the cob’ [t%aa#ts’] ‘seed’ [tsumuxáat h i&] ‘girl’ [k%tsukú] ‘I begin’ [’aqtsú’u&] ‘short’ [s"tsiits’i&] ‘his/her rash’ [waayants’] ‘s/he eats already’ 2.3.2.2 /c!/. The voiceless coronal affricate, /c"/, has a dental stop in the closure portion is and an alveopalatal fricative in the release portion. ! "(!
13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he sows’ [’aqac"óq h e&] ‘shrimp’ [c"iic"] ‘warm’ [k%uc h u&] ‘brandy’ [k%c"ux] ‘I spit’ [q%awáac"] ‘boy’ [s"c"íwis"] ‘his/her stone’ [’aqc"iinc"] ‘mare’ 2.3.2.3 /tl/. The phoneme /tl/ is a coronal affricate whose closure portion is a dental stop and whose release portion is a coronal lateral. Although the segment releases into a sonorant, the lateral is more often than not unvoiced or only partially voiced, and is also frequently spiranticized. The devoicing and spirantization occur most commonly preceding i with retention of (partial) voicing most likely preceding a. I have found only one word in which tl is followed by u tautosyllabically. tl is the only segment in FM Totonac that cannot occur as a coda. 14) Examples of /tl/ [k%tlawá] ‘I do it’ [mátluk h i&] ‘bamboo’ [k%tatatlá] ‘I become sick’ [p%uutántlin] ‘dance’ [p%at#aanŒn] ‘s/he vomits’ [p%uut#eqé] ‘s/he counts’ [t#it#éq h e&] ‘black’ [t%ant#í] ‘s/he dances’ 2.3.3 Fricatives. Of the four fricatives, three are coronal and correspond to those found in the release portions of the affricates (s, s%, ") and the fourth is velar (x). All the coronal fricatives may occur syllable-initially and –finally; they may form initial clusters with all supralaryngeal stops and with some sonorants, and can follow dorsal stops in codas. The uvular fricative appears in no tautosyllabic clusters, but like all other segments, can combine with the prefixes k- and #- (see §2.5.1 and 2.5.2 for details on consonant clusters). Fricatives are subject to root harmony constraints, such that a fricative is banned within morphemes containing a fricative of another place or manner (see §2.5.3). The coronal fricatives, along with the dorsal stops, are the primary sound symbolic segments in the language (see §2.8). 2.3.3.1 /s/. /s/ is a voiceless alveolar sibilant that can occur syllable-initially or –finally. It can precede any supralaryngeal stop or any native sonorant except y in an initial cluster, and can follow a dorsal stop or a nasal-dorsal stop sequence in a coda. Like all fricatives it fails to occur within morphemes containing another fricative. It alternates with the other two coronal fricatives in sound symbolic diminutive-augmentative series (see §2.8). ! ")!
Page 1 and 2: The phonology and morphology of Fil
Page 3 and 4: Abstract The phonology and morpholo
Page 5 and 6: Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
Page 7 and 8: 2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
Page 9 and 10: 3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
Page 11 and 12: 5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
Page 13 and 14: References ........................
Page 15 and 16: List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
Page 19 and 20: Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
Page 21 and 22: soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24: 1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26: Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28: Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30: seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31: 2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 35 and 36: 17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38: 21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40: Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41 and 42: 2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43 and 44: "panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 45 and 46: ’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48: 2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50: 2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52: There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54: 2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66: consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70: fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72: of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76: 196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84:
Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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