The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

More documents

Recommendations

Info

134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-up-IMPF ‘he’s up on (the roof)’ 135) kaatsiisnáma /kaa-tsiis-nan-maa/ LOC-night-HAB-PROG ‘night is falling in this place’ 136) kaas%kaqá /kaa-s"kaqa-aa/ LOC-dawn-IMPF ‘it becomes dawn in this place’ 137) kaaqawíw’ /kaa-qawiw-aa/ LOC-cold-IMPF ‘the place is cold’ 138) kaapuksán /kaa-puksan-aa/ LOC-stink-IMPF ‘it stinks around here’ However, examples of locatives deriving transitives from positionals and intransitives exist. My database contains no examples in which the object licensed by a locative has a speech act participant as referent, but it likely that the lexicalized predicates in 142 and 143 could be inflected with 1 st or 2 nd person object marker. Of the three cases below in which the locative argument takes object marking (in 141, 142, and 143), two have completely non-compositional semantics (‘he blames her’, ‘he thinks of him’), and one is also derived with instrumental lii-. 139) puunúu kustá" /puu-nuu-aa kustal/ LOC-in-IMPF sack ‘he fills the sack’ ! "+.!
140) púuwi kinc%úc%uti& /puu-wi-aa kin-c"uc"uti&/ LOC-seated-IMPF 1POSS-water ‘it contains my water’ 141) puuwas%níi /puu-was"-nii-aa/ LOC-scratch.at-DAT-IMPF ‘he digs a hole’ 142) liipuuwaníi /lii-puu-wan-nii/ INST-LOC-say-DAT ‘he blames her’ 143) puuwaníi /puu-wan-nii/ LOC-say-DAT ‘he thinks of him’ In examples 140-143, the presence of an object NP or the dative suffix clearly marks these verbs as transitives. However, very similar constructions are ambiguous as regards their transitivity: 144) puuwás% /puu-was-aa/ LOC-scratch.at-IMPF ‘he digs a hole’ 145) kaawás% /kaa-was-aa/ LOC-scratch.at-IMPF ‘he digs a trench’ ! "+"!
Page 1 and 2:
The phonology and morphology of Fil
Page 3 and 4:
Abstract The phonology and morpholo
Page 5 and 6:
Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
Page 7 and 8:
2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
Page 9 and 10:
3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
Page 11 and 12:
5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
Page 13 and 14:
References ........................
Page 15 and 16:
List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
Page 17 and 18:
List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
Page 19 and 20:
Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
Page 21 and 22:
soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24:
1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26:
Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28:
Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30:
seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31 and 32:
2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 33 and 34:
13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
Page 35 and 36:
17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38:
21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40:
Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41 and 42:
2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43 and 44:
"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 45 and 46:
’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48:
2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50:
2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52:
There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54:
2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56:
(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58:
96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60:
For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62:
122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64:
2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66:
consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68:
165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70:
fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72:
of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74:
e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76:
196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78:
likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80:
Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82:
Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84:
Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86:
colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88:
212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90:
piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92:
penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94:
3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96:
3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98:
4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100:
11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102:
Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103:
3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107:
3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109:
34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111:
The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113:
Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115:
When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117:
3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119:
49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121:
3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123:
Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125:
Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127:
Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129:
5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131:
4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133:
Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135:
4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137:
4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239:
s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241:
Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243:
34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245:
harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247:
Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249:
stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251:
42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253:
questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255:
Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257:
Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259:
Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261:
-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263:
tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
show all

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?