The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

consonant, and don’t protect final consonants from prosodic glottalization. They could be
analyzed as losing their root node in this context.
154)/kaa-aa-[cg]/ 155) /#tata-niita&-[cg]/
cut-IMPF-2SUB.sg sleep-PRFT-2SUB.sg
[kaay’a&] [#tataníit’a&]
‘you cut it’ ‘you have slept’
156)/c"imam’a&/ 157) /s"-laaqtsin-kan-[cg]/
fuzzy PAST-see-REFL-2SUB.sg]
[c"imám’a&] [s"laaqtsínk’a&]
‘fuzzy’ ‘you saw yourself’
2.6.5 Postlexical constraints at word and phrase boundaries. FM Totonac has three different
types of epenthesis that occur only postlexically between words or at prosodic boundaries. These
include vowel epenthesis, nasal epenthesis, and glottal epenthesis.
2.6.5.1 Vowel epenthesis. Postlexically, in connected speech at word boundaries, V-C
transitions are preferred. When two consonants come together across a word boundary, in most
cases an intervening vowel is required, resulting in vowel epenthsis. As discussed in §2.2.3 and
§2.4, reduced vowels or vowel features occur in the release of word-final consonants
prepausally. Because of the presence of these latent vowels, as I analyze them, I posit the
epenthesis of an empty vowel root node at C-C boundaries. If the final consonant of the first
word has such associated vowel features in its release, these features attach to the inserted root
node, resulting in a fully voiced vowel. When no latent vowel is present in the release of the first
C (possible with final nasals), an epenthetic i fills the vowel slot between words.
158)/s"-laqati qawaac"a& wanqin/ 159)/tan-tim sasan/
PAST-like boy frog TAIL-one skunk
[s"laqatí N qawáac"a wánqen] [tantími sásan]
‘the boy liked the frog’ ‘one skunk’
160)/maa-lii-waa-ii stapu& s"-kaman’a&/
CAUS-INSTR-eat-TRAN bean 3POSS-children
[maaliiwíi stápu s"káman’a&]
‘she feeds beans to her children’
! (+!