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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/<br />

MV-descend-IMPF-THERE<br />

[ta’aktayaanc"á’a&]/[ta’aktayaac"á’a&]<br />

‘he l<strong>and</strong>s over there’<br />

2.6.5.3 Glottal feature epenthesis at prosodic boundaries. Plain consonants are prohibited at<br />

the right edge <strong>of</strong> a phrasal boundary in FM <strong>Totonac</strong>. In §2.3.1.5, the lexical process <strong>of</strong> glottal<br />

stop epenthesis at the left edge <strong>of</strong> words, preceding vowel-initial roots <strong>and</strong> prefixes, was<br />

discussed. In addition, FM <strong>Totonac</strong>o has a postlexical process <strong>of</strong> glottal feature epenthesis at the<br />

right edge <strong>of</strong> words preceding a pause.<br />

Since laryngeal consonants are common epenthetic segments at prosodic boundaries (Hyman<br />

1989; Blevins 2008), an analysis <strong>of</strong> these glottal features as epenthetic features demarcating<br />

domains seems well-motivated <strong>and</strong> explains their unusual distribution. Except for a h<strong>and</strong>ful <strong>of</strong><br />

lexical items (see example 11), glottal stops <strong>and</strong> spread or constricted glottis features attached to<br />

consonants are limited to prosodic boundaries in FM <strong>Totonac</strong>, either at the left edge (preceding<br />

vowel-initial roots or prefixes) or at the right edge (prepausally). This can be stated as a<br />

constraint against glottalization word-internally after the root onset (see §2.6.4.1 for a description<br />

<strong>of</strong> y rather than $ as the epenthetic consonant within this domain).<br />

This limited distribution <strong>of</strong> glottals is particular to FM <strong>Totonac</strong>, but is not unusual for a <strong>Totonac</strong>o<br />

language. MacKay (1999:42) remarks on the distribution <strong>of</strong> $ in Misantla <strong>Totonac</strong> as differing<br />

from that <strong>of</strong> all other consonants, in that it appears either as a epenthetic segment syllableinitially,<br />

or else word-finally on nominals only, <strong>and</strong> never in consonant clusters. Troiani<br />

(2004:33), writing about Huehuetla Puebla <strong>Totonac</strong>, notes that the glottal stop occurs only in<br />

absolute final position following a vowel, <strong>and</strong> tends to disappear in connected speech. Levy<br />

(1987:60-61) mentions glottal stop as an optional demarcative feature preceding a vowel-initial<br />

root or prefix in Papantla <strong>Totonac</strong>, <strong>and</strong> as a marker <strong>of</strong> end <strong>of</strong> utterance word-finally following a<br />

short vowel.<br />

Even segments that are morphologically glottalized have phonetically realized constricted glottis<br />

features only when the prosodic domain marking function is also active. <strong>The</strong>re are two<br />

constructions in which glottalization serves a morphological or morphosyntactic function in FM<br />

<strong>Totonac</strong>. First, the second person singular subject is marked in two aspects by glottal features<br />

attached to the final consonant <strong>of</strong> the verb, as in tantlíy’! ‘you dance’ (see §4.8.1.2). Second,<br />

certain deverbal nominalizations without suffixes are marked in the same way, for example,<br />

takúk’! ‘load’ (see §3.3.11.7). In many cases the constraint against word internal glottalization<br />

results in morphological neutralization, particularly with 2SUB.sg marking, where the glottal<br />

feature is <strong>of</strong>ten all that distinguishes second person from third. It seems that FM <strong>Totonac</strong> may be<br />

near the end <strong>of</strong> a historical process that has relegated glottal stops primarily to a prosodic<br />

boundary-marking role.<br />

! (-!

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