The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subject agreement affixes are shown in Table 4.6, along with the glottalization process which marks second person singular in certain aspects. Table 4.6 Subject inflection 1 k- Singular Plural 2 -[cg] IMPERFECTIVE/PERFECT -ti& PERFECTIVE/PROGRESSIVE 3 " ta- ! "#*! (k-). . .-wa& exclusive inclusive 4.8.1.1 First person subject. The prefix k- has the semantic content of ‘first person subject exclusive’. When it appears without a plural marker, it indicates a first person singular subject. Although consonant degemination is sometimes found in the phonology (see §2.6.2.2.2), k-k sequences that result from first person subject inflection on a stem beginning with a k do not usually simplify’ although sometimes the k- prefix is replaced by aspiration. 60) ks%aamá /k-s"ama-aa/ 1SUB-touch-IMPF ‘I touch it’ 61) s%akki"wama /s"-k-ki#-wan-maa/ PAST-1SUB-MOUTH-say-PROG ‘I was saying’ The first person plural marker is the suffix –w!, which marks 1 st plural subjects OR objects. First person plural exclusive subject is indicated by k- plus –w!, while –w! alone indicates 1 st plural subject inclusive. In the presence of the second person object suffix –ni, –w! does not occur since they occupy the same suffix position (see example 66). –w!, like all the suffixal –titi& –wa&
person agreement markers, causes primary stress to fall on the syllable preceding itself when word-final. In the imperfective aspect, younger speakers drop –w!, while older speakers do not. For these younger speakers, the subject of a first person plural inclusive form in the imperfective is recognized only by the presence of IMPF –aa. Since younger speakers also omit 2SUB.pl –titi" in the imperfective, ambiguity between first plural and second plural subjects is common in the imperfective (see §4.7.2.1). One younger speaker uses the allomorph –ah following the habitual suffix –nan with 2 nd plural subjects only; I am not aware how widespread this innovation is. 62) ktlawamáaw /k-tlaawa-maa-wa&/ 1SUB-do-PROG-1pl ‘we (excl) are doing it’ 63) kuc%iyáa younger/ kuc%iyáaw older speakers /kuc"i-aa-wa&/ cure-IMPF-1pl ‘we (incl) cure him/her/it’ 64) "aaka’áw /#aa=ka-an-wa&-li&/ NEG-IRR-go-1pl-PFTV ‘let’s (incl) not go!’ 65) ktawakaniitáw /k-ta-waka-niita-wa&/ 1SUB-MID-up-PFT-1pl ‘we (excl) have climbed up’ 66) kkaatiyayáan /k-kaa-tiya-aa-ni/ 1SUB-OBJ.pl-grasp-IMPF-2OBJ ‘we (excl) grab you pl.’ ! "#+!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94: 3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96: 3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98: 4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100: 11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102: Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103: 3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107: 3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115: When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117: 3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125: Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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