The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

More documents

Recommendations

Info

5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions with complement-taking verbs. When a complementtaking verb is followed by another verb with the same subject as its complement, incomplete sharing of inflection occurs. In these verb sequences, V2 is from an open class of verbs; V1 belongs to a limited set, of which those in Table 5.8 are examples: Table 5.8 Complement-taking verbs ’an ‘go (to do X)’ min ‘come (to do X)’ katsii(nii) ‘know how/learn (to do X)’ laqapaastak ‘think of/remember (doing X)’ puuwan ‘think (of doing X)’ laqati ‘like (to do X)’ tsaqsa ‘try (to do X)’ tsuku ‘begin (to do X)’ In such constructions, V1 is fully inflected as normally for person agreement and TAM. Whatever the aspect of V1, V2 is in the imperfective aspect, that is, it has final stress and carries the IMPF suffix –aa where expected (whenever another suffix or enclitic attaches outside it, mostly with first plural or second subjects or objects). The imperfective stem thus seems to function here like an infinitival or participial form, in a language which otherwise makes no use of non-finite forms. Tense and person marking on V2 have some degree of optionality. V2 often repeats the person agreement marking of V1 for persons marked by prefixes, that is, 1SUB k- and 3SUB.pl ta-. The double marking of ta- is always present in my database, while that of k- is in about half the examples, thus the minimal pair k-laqatí k-waayán and k-laqatí waayán ‘I like to eat’. If both verbs are in the imperfective aspect with a 2 nd person singular subject, 2SUB.sg laryngealization is present on the right edge of both verbs. The other person agreement suffixes for first and second person plural are never repeated on V2. Like first person subject, future or past tense marking is sometimes, but not always, doublemarked on V2. A large number of examples are provided to give a sense of the variation in inflectional marking with various person/TAM combinations in these verb sequences. In example 250 both a high vowel and a nasal are epenthesized between words, thus the unglossed syllable in. 246) nak*án i kskín /na-k-'an-aa k-skin-aa/ FUT-1SUB-go-IMPF 1SUB-ask.for-IMPF ‘I will go ask for it’ ! #..!
247) qamaanantii"ayáa píntiti& /qamaanan-tii#a-aa pin-titi&/ play-AMB-IMPF go2-2SUB.PL ‘walking along playing you pl. went’ 248) tamimpará tatantlíi /ta-min-para-aa ta-tantlii-aa/ 3SUB.pl-come-ITER-IMPF 3SUB.pl-dance-IMPF ‘they return to dance’ 249) katát tantlíiy’a /ka-tan-ti& tantlii-aa-[cg] IRR-come2-2SUB.sg dance-IMPF-2SUB.sg ‘come dance!’ 250) minkutún in kaamaasputúu /min-kutun-aa kaa-maa-sput-uu-aa/ come-DES-IMPF OBJ.pl-CAUS-finish-TRANS-IMPF ‘he wants to come finish them off’ 251) tamimáana tatankaamíi /ta-min-maana ta-tan-kaa-mii-aa/ 3SUB.pl-come-PROG3 3SUB.pl-REAR-cut-DOWN-IMPF ‘they are coming to cut it down’ 252) naktayáa nakmalakc%awá /na-k-ta-yaa-aa na-k-malakc"awa-aa/ FUT-1SUB-INC-stand-IMPF FUT-1SUB-open-IMPF ‘I will get up to close the door’ 253) ki"tliitii"á c%ii" /ki#tli-tii#a-aa c"ii-#I/ sing-AMB-IMPF arrive-PFTV ‘walking along singing he arrived’ ! #."!
Page 1 and 2:
The phonology and morphology of Fil
Page 3 and 4:
Abstract The phonology and morpholo
Page 5 and 6:
Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
Page 7 and 8:
2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
Page 9 and 10:
3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
Page 11 and 12:
5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
Page 13 and 14:
References ........................
Page 15 and 16:
List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
Page 17 and 18:
List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
Page 19 and 20:
Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
Page 21 and 22:
soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24:
1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26:
Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28:
Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30:
seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31 and 32:
2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 33 and 34:
13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
Page 35 and 36:
17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38:
21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40:
Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41 and 42:
2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43 and 44:
"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 45 and 46:
’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48:
2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50:
2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52:
There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54:
2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56:
(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58:
96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60:
For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62:
122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64:
2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66:
consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68:
165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70:
fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72:
of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74:
e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76:
196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78:
likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80:
Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82:
Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84:
Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86:
colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88:
212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90:
piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92:
penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94:
3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96:
3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98:
4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100:
11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102:
Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103:
3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107:
3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109:
34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111:
The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113:
Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115:
When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117:
3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119:
49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121:
3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123:
Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125:
Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127:
Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129:
5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131:
4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133:
Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135:
4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137:
4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139:
4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141:
ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143:
51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145:
4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147:
4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149:
Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151:
85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153:
semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155:
Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157:
complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159:
5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161:
5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163:
5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165:
34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167:
44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
show all

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?