The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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A few verbs change meaning in a non-transparent way when derived with –nan: xa# ‘rest’, xa#aanan ‘breathe’; pa# ‘bathe’, pa#nanan ‘swim’; qos ‘fly’, qosnun ‘run’; and #taqa ‘flatten’, and #taqanan ‘make tortillas’. Note that the word meaning ‘swim’ seems to have two –nan suffixes. One common verb root, waa ‘eat it’, takes an irregular form of the antipassive: waayan ‘eat’. 5.4.4.2 Middle voice ta-. The inceptive or middle voice prefix ta- combines with only three types of verbs: positionals, transitive resultatives, and roots that exist only in an inchoative/causative alternation. The middle voice marker has a different effect on the valence of each of these types of verbs, as will be described in the following subsections. 5.4.4.2.1 Positionals and ta-. Both classes of positionals, the posturals and the bound positionals (see §4.3.1), are frequently derived with the ta- prefix, and its effect is to inceptivize them, making them verbs of achievement. This is clearly not a valence-decreasing operation. The posturals are stative verbs that include maa ‘be lying’; yaa ‘be standing’; wi(la) ‘be seated’; kii ‘upright’, and waka ‘be up in/on/against’. The bound positionals are nuu ‘in’, #tu ‘out’, xuu ‘in vertically’, and kut ‘out vertically’. Prefixed with ta-, these statives become intransitives whose meaning is to enter into the state described by the root, for example yaa ‘s/he is standing’, tayáa ‘s/he stands up’ or nuu ‘in’, tanúu ‘s/he enters’. 182) ktamaakú*u& 183) taayáay’a& /k-ta-maa-li&-ku’u&/ /ta-yaa-aa-[cg]/ 1SUB-MID-lying-JUST MID-standing-IMPF-2SUB.sg ‘I just lay down’ ‘you stand up’ 184) táwi 185) tawakaniitáwa n kiw’i& /ta-wi-li&/ /ta-waka-niita&-wa& kiw’i&/ MID-seated-PFTV MID-up-PFT-1pl ‘he sat down’ ‘we have climbed the tree’ 186) "aalantanúu 187) tas%tú /#aa=la-ta-nuu/ /ta-s"tu/ NEG-POT-MID-in MID-out ‘he can’t enter’ ‘she exits’ 188) táxuu n kkús%ta" 189) tákut /ta-xuu-li& k-kus"tal/ /ta-kut-li&/ MID-in-PFTV LOC-sack MID-out-PFTV ‘it got in the sack’ ‘he got out’ ! ",#!
When inceptive ta- and a body part prefix occur on a positional verb, they take scopal order, as in ’aqa-ta-nuu ‘she puts it in her ear’ and ta-’aqa-nuu ‘she puts her ear in (the opening)’ (this is covered more fully in §6.5.1.1). 5.4.4.2.2 Resultatives and ta-. In FM Totonac, a limited number of non-derived transitive verbs accept the inceptive prefix. MacKay (1999) describes a similar phenomenon in Misantla Totonaco as involving “accomplishment transitive verbs that denote actions or events resulting in a change of state of the object” (1999:256). The group of transitives allowing inceptivization in FM Totonac is somewhat broader. Although it includes some that meet MacKay’s criteria, such as ‘fold’, ‘cut’, ‘detach’, ‘uproot’ ‘shave’, ‘stretch’, ‘break’, ‘peel’, ‘move’, ‘scrape’, ‘tie’, ‘cover’ and ‘change’, it also contains ‘poke’, ‘drag’, ‘inject’, and ‘squeeze’, where the change of state of the object is less obviously salient. The semantically clearest examples are with the subclass of cutting/breaking verbs: 190) Examples of cutting/breaking verbs $ukú ‘he cuts it’ ta$ukú ‘it gets cut’ #tiit ‘s/ he tears it’ ta#tíit ‘it tears’ The inceptivizer in these cases has the same function as a passivizer. 5.4.4.2.3 Transitives and ta-. A relatively small group of inherently transitive roots is detransitivized by affixation of ta-. Many of these verbs, like $uku ‘cut’, tuk# ‘break, snap’, #laxa ‘loosen’ and #tonq ‘stretch’ are clearly resultatives, meaning that they describe the change of state of an object. Others, such as saqa ‘drag’ and #toqo ‘inject’, would not be described as resultatives in English or Spanish; it is unclear whether resultative semantics are part of their meaning in FM Totonac. For this group of verbs, derivation with ta- gives a middle voice reading of a verb of achievement, which is usually translated into Spanish using the impersonal se construction. A list of all transitive verbs in my database that take the middle voice marker are provided in Table 5.3 ! ",'!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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