The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li&/ 1SUB-INC-FACE-out-PFTV ‘I stuck my head out (the window)’ klakatás%tu /k-laka-ta-s"tu-li&/ 1SUB-FACE-INC-out-PFTV ‘I got it out of my eye’ 35) maakinkánuu /maa-kinka-nuu-li&/ ‘she took it out of his nose’ /kinkamáanuu/ /kinka-maa-nuu-li&/ ‘she took his nose out of (the hole)’ Unusually for this language, Zone 1 is coterminous with a subzone defined by the causativized stem, to be discussed in the next subsection. Following that, another type of subzone delineated by harmony processes will be covered. 6.5.1.1 Causativized stem. Spanning the entire inner fixed/scopal order zone is a subzone defined by causativization constructions. The causative is actually a circumfix; while some verbs may be causativized by causative maa- in P5 alone, or transitivized by transitivizer –ii in S1 alone, many verbs require both affixes acting together for causativization (see §5.4.1). In addition, when certain intransitive and most transitive verbs are causativized, dative –nii (suffix position 3) is required to mark a new or second object, as in link# ‘he jumps’ and maa-link#-níi ‘he makes him jump’. If this entire span from P5 to S3 is considered the causativized subzone, then it is coterminous with Zone 1, which can be defined as the causativized stem. 6.5.1.2 Harmony subzone. In FM Totonac very few assimilatory morphophonological processes occur at boundaries where morphemes are brought together. With one exception, all such processes occur within the inner harmonic subzone posited here, pointing to a tighter bonding of morphemes in this inner part of the verb. The zone includes the first three prefix positions and the first two suffix positions as shown in Table 6.6, and the processes are dorsal harmony pre- ! ##(!
verbally, and vowel harmony and vowel coalescence post-verbally. No evidence exists to determine if it is the harmonic prefixes or suffixes that attach to the verb root first. Table 6.6 Inner harmonic zone 3 2 1 0 1 2 Body parts Inceptive/Middle Voice Distributive ROOT Transitivizer Indef. Object/Habitual 6.5.1.2.1 Suffix vowel harmony. Marking out the first of the subzones to be considered is rootto-suffix vowel harmony, undergone only by the transitivizer –ii and the indefinite object –nan. (Actually, there is a single lexicalized case of vowel harmony of CAUS maa- with the positional root xuu ‘in vertically’, muuxúu ‘he inserts it’; note that this also occurs within the causativized stem/Zone 1.) For some speakers, this is a regular and productive process, with a few verbs, however, lexicalized with a non-harmonic transitivizer or indefinite object marker. For other speakers, the opposite situation holds: certain verbs seem to be lexicalized to take the harmonic affixes, but generally the –ii and –nan forms are employed (see §2.6.4.2). 36) Examples of vowel harmony in TRAN –ii and HAB -nan maa-kut-úu ‘he removes it’ maa-kaks-áa ‘he shuts him up’ c%uku-nún ‘he drills for a living’ neqe-nín ‘he prepares a field for planting’ One other process occurs only 7 within this inner subzone: vowel coalescence. Instead of the glottal stop or glide epenthesis found in every other case of hiatus, the affixation of the transitivizer suffix to a vowel-final verb root results in the loss of the final root vowel. 6.5.1.2.2 Prefix dorsal harmony. On the prefix side of the verb, distributive lak- in position 1 and some of the more than 30 body part prefixes (BPPs) in position 3 regularly undergo dorsal 7 One possible additional case is the resolution of the three mora string of NEG "aa= and NOT YET a*= into the two mora "aa*= on the leftmost edge of the verb. ! ##)!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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