The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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able to appear to the right of the causative, although the causative is not included in the variable zone by my definition. 19) taamaqtant"í /taa-maq-tant#i-aa/ COM-ASS-DANCE-IMPF maqtaatant"í /maq-taa-tant#i-aa/ ASS-COM-DANCE-IMPF ‘she dances with him along with others’ (9,11 jsf) 20) kintaamaapaasták /kin-taa-maa-paastak-aa/ 1OBJ-COM-CAUS-remember-IMPF kimaataapaasták /kin-maa-taa-paastak-aa/ 1OBJ-CAUS-COM-remember-IMPF ‘you and he make me remember it’ (8,3 jsf) 6.2.3.7 Position 6 associative maq-. As exemplified in earlier subsections, maq- may sometimes appear in reverse order with many of the outer prefixes of this zone: with the object plural (example 5); with round-trip (example 12); with the instrumentals in examples 15 and 17, and with the comitative (example 19). It may also vary its order with the causative in position 5. 21) maqmaaskuxúu /maq-maa-skux-uu/ ASS-CAUS-work-IMPF maamaqskuxúu /maa-maq-skux-uu/ CAUS-ASS-work-IMPF ‘he makes him work for money (with others)’ (7,156 jsf) ! #"*!
6.2.3.8 Summary of variable order prefixes. Most of the prefixes in this zone may occur in reverse order with an adjacent affix, at least with certain stems (determined both by the root and the other affixes). The most robustly variable prefixes are the plural object marker kaa- and round-trip morpheme kii-, both on the outer edge of the zone, which may reverse order with several non-adjacent prefixes. The adjacent comitative and associative prefixes seem to occur in either order grammatically. In all cases the frequency of free order of paired prefixes diminishes as the distance between the slots they occupy increases. Prefixes are also less likely undergo permutation when this might lead to confusing them with a homophonous affix. 6.2.4 Variable order among suffixes. The free ordering of suffixes in the variable order zone is much different from that of prefixes. The affixes involved include several of those from suffix position 4 through 10: DOWN (position 4), the ambulative (5), the iterative (7), the desiderative (8), the totalitive (9), and MEANWHILE (10). However, the frequency of variable order is much less among the suffixes, and much more idiosyncratic. That is, some adjacent suffixes are not capable of reverse order, while others in slots much farther apart are. In addition, the progressive aspect markers in position 6, the only inflectional markers in this zone, cannot move rootward, thus meeting my definition of fixed affixes. Table 6.3 Suffix ordering zones 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Fixed Transitivizer Fixed Indefinite Object Fixed Dative Variable Down Variable Ambulative Fixed Progressive Variable Iterative Variable Desiderative Variable Totalitive 6.2.4.1 Variable order and suffix positions 4 and 5. Beginning with the suffixes closest to the fixed zone adjoining the root, DOWN (position 4) and the ambulative (position 5) may both occur inside the dative, and the ambulative may also preceed DOWN. A factor in the ability of DOWN to appear inside the dative may be that it is usually part of derived forms with noncompositional semantics, as in example 22, where ’ak-tlawa-mii (HEAD-do-DOWN) means ‘exploit, mistreat’. It seems that when –mii occurs inside dative –nii, the verb is being interpreted as a lexicalized stem, and when the suffixes follow the standard order the morphemes are seen as separable elements in a string. This is confirmed by another example provided spontaneously in which –mii occurs inside the habitual suffix –nan of suffix position 2: ’ak-tlawa-mii-nán ‘he exploits habitiually, he is a cacique’ (7,18 jsf). ! #"+! Variable Meanwhile Fixed Reflexive Fixed Aspect Fixed Deictics Fixed Aspect/Person
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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