The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq-skux-#i&/ 1exc-RT-INC-ASS-work-PFTV ‘I went with him to work with others’ 5.5.2 Distributive lak-. The distributive prefix lak- (or laq-; see §2.6.2.1 on uvular harmony) distributes the action of the verb over multiple objects or places, as in ta$oqó ‘s/he stops’, but talaq$oqó ‘s/he strolls around’ (with the implication that s/he stops here and there). It adds the meaning of ‘all over’ with verbs of hitting, i.e., nik ‘s/he hits him with a stick' and lakník ‘s/he hits him all over’. With resultative verbs of cutting, breaking, etc., it indicates that the affected entity is decomposed into many small pieces; for example pu# ‘s/he breaks it’; lakpu# ‘s/he bursts it’. With verbs of washing and drying, lak- is conventionally taken to refer to dishes, as in example 210. A verb derived with lak- does not take an object marker, indicating that it does not affect the valence. 208) lakkaamií 209) laktláwa radio /lak-kaa-mii-aa/ /lak-tlawa-li& radio/ DIST-cut-DOWN-IMPF DIST-make-PFTV radio ‘he cuts it into pieces’ ‘he took apart the radio’ 210) maalakskáak 211) talakc%iwíina /maa-lak-skaak-aa/ /ta-lak-c"iwii-nan-li&/ CAUS-DIST-dry-IMPF 3SUB.pl-DIST-talk-HAB ‘he dries the dishes’ ‘they all talked it over’ 5.5.3 ‘Down’. The suffix I refer to as ‘DOWN’ appears to derive from the transitivized postural stative maa ‘lying’ (maa ‘lying’ + -ii ‘transitivizer’). This stative has a suppletive form, paa, when the subject of the verb is second person, and likewise DOWN has the form -mii with first and third person subjects, and -pii with 2 nd subjects. Verbs derived with DOWN sometimes have straightforward semantics as in taramií sqat h A (
(HEAD-do-DOWN) ‘s/he exploits him/her’ or ’aqsqawimíi (HEAD-twist-DOWN) ‘s/he manipulates him/her’. Outside the semantic domains just described, DOWN is found only in a few lexicalized forms. 212) laksíitmi n kápsnati& /lak-siit-mii-li& kápsnati&/ DIST-cut-DOWN-PFTV paper ‘she cut the paper up in little pieces (with scissors)’ 213) ’ak"kanuumíi /ak-#ka-nuu-mii/ HEAD-measure-DOWN ‘he passed him (in weeding his strip of land)’ 214) kapuutlaqápiiti& n c%aawilá’A /ka-puu-tlaqa-pii-ti& c"aawilá’A/ IRR-LOC-chase.off-DOWN2-PFTV2 turkey ‘chase out the turkey!’ 215) kaa’aktlawapíipaati& /kaa-ak-tlawa-pii–paa-ti&/ OBJ.pl-HEAD-do-DOWN2-PROG2-PFTV2 ‘you are mistreating them’ 5.5.4 Deictics. FM Totonac has proximal and distal deictics, $i HERE and $a THERE, that occur in an interesting distribution. As prefixes they are found only with the verb ’an ‘go’, as in $i-an! $in ‘arrive here’ and $a’an ‘arrive there’, and in many other forms derived from these two. The deictics always occur immediately preceding the verb root. Because of this limited distribution, I have considered $a’an and $in to be frozen forms, and have not given the prefixes $i- and $a- a place in the verb template. However, they also occur in a slightly different form in suffix position 13, preceding the final subject/object/aspect inflectional markers. In this position HERE takes the forms –$i with first and third person subjects, and –$it! with second person subjects, and THERE appears as –$a’! with 1 st and 3 rd subjects and as –pi" with 2 nd subjects. The suffix –$i is identical with the corresponding proximal prefix; of the other three deictic forms, -$it! and –$a’! are formally identical to the verbs in the perfective aspect $it! ‘arrived here’ ($i-tan, with perfective final –n deletion) and $a’! ‘arrived there’ ($a-‘an, also with final –n deletion). The form –pi" ! "-"!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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