The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd person suppletive form pin of ‘an ‘go’ in the perfective aspect, showing the final –n deletion characteristic of perfective forms, and without the $a- prefix. These deictic suffixes seem likely to have developed from verb sequence constructions in which the verbs $in and $a%an occurred in the V2 position. Since many verbs have no inflection marker in position 14 (only those with a 2 nd person object, 1 plural object, or 2 plural subject do), the independent verbs $in and $a’an may have been reanalyzed as suffixes occurring immediately following position 12. 5.5.5 Adverbial proclitics. Adverbs generally precede verbs in FM Totonac. Many of them, particularly those that have only one syllable, lose their stress and cliticize to the verb. §5.3.2.1 covered the aspectual adverbial ‘ak= of preverb position 15. In this same position several other monosyllabic adverbial clitics may occur. When negation and possibly a negative polarity proclitic as well as an adverbial precede a verb, this complex may receive full stress, that is form a separate word apart from the verb. This is more likely the more syllables are present. Thus for example the complex verb "aa=sih=k-liimín ‘I don’t bring it closer’ with simple negation and a monosyllabic adverbial has only a single primary stress, while speakers would pronounce "aa=a"=tuu=sóoqe wayáama “I’m not yet eating early’, with the negative and two negative polarity proclitics and a bisyllabic adverbial as two words, each with a primary stress. Several of the adverbial clitics are described in the followin+ subsections. This does not purport to be a full list of all such adverbials. 5.5.5.1 Adverbial ’a=. This adverbial has an existential deictic meaning much like voici in French. It is usually used with verbs in the present tense and the incompletive or progressive aspect. 216) ’awaayán 217) ’atamín /a-waayán-aa/ /a-ta-min-aa/ HERE-eat-IMPF HERE-3SUB.pl-come-IMPF ‘here he is, eating’ ‘here they come’ 218) ’alámaa /a-lá-maa/ HERE-live-PROG ‘here he is (alive)’ 5.5.5.2 Adverbial tsaa=. The proclitic tsaa- has the meaning ‘having other options’, indicating that the action of the verb was one among several possibilities that the subject might have pursued but didn’t. ! "-#!
219) tsaaktláawa /tsaa=k-tlaawan-li&/ OPT-1SUB-walk-PFTV ‘I walked, (having other options)’ 220) tsaaqa"aananáatiti& /tsaa=qa#aa-nan-aa-titi&/ OPT=rob-HAB-IMPF-2SUB.pl ‘Having other options, you steal’ 5.5.5.3 Adverbial sih=. This adverbial adds the meaning ‘partially’ to the verb to which it is cliticized. 221) sihpúu /sii-puu-aa/ PART-in.fire-IMPF ‘he puts it partially in the fire’ 222) sihliimín /sih-lii=mín-aa/ PART-bring-IMPF ‘he brings it nearer’ 5.5.5.4 Adverbial sooqe=. The meaning of this proclitic is ‘early’. 223) sooqektáma /sooqe-k-ta-maa-li&/ early-1SUB-INC-lying-PFTV ‘I went to bed early’ 5.5.5.5 Adverbial tuunu=. The proclitic tuunu= means ‘apart from others; by one’s self; separately’ or ‘in a different way; idiosyncratically’. ! "-'!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261:
-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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