The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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2.6.4.4.3.5. Suffixes in final -n. When the (final syllable of the) suffixes –nan INDEFINITE OBJECT/HABITUALIZER, -kutun DESIDERATIVE, and –kan REFLEXIVE are unstressed word-finally, they lose their final nasals by regular phonological rule (see §2.6.1.1.3). 149)/ta-kaas"tlawa-nan-li&/ 150) /kin-laaqtsin-kan-li&/ 3SUB.pl-adorn-HAB-PFTV 1OBJ-see-REFL-PFTV [takaas"tlawána] [kilaaqtsínka&] ‘they adorned it’ ‘I looked at myself’ 151)/ta-tlawa-kutun-li&/ 3SUB.pl-do-DES-PFTV [tatlawakútu] ‘they wanted to do it’ 2.3.4.4.6 ITERATIVE –pa!a. When stress is non-final, -pa!a is truncated to –pa! or -pa wordfinally. 152)/#kaak-nan-maa-para/ 153) /pin-pa$a-ti&/ heat-HAB-PROG-ITER go2-ITER-2SUB.sg [#kaaknamaapá] [pimpá$'a&] ‘it’s hot again’ ‘you went again’ 2.6.4.5 Post-glottal vowel devoicing. This rule bans the appearance of a full vowel after a glottalized consonant. Many cases of vowels following a consonant with constricted glottis features are underlyingly latent vowels lacking a root node (see §2.2.3). However, underlyingly full vowels also devoice prepausally when morphological glottalization surfaces at a prosodic boundary (see postlexical glottal epenthesis in §2.6.5.3). The construction that causes morphological glottalization of the final consonant of the word is 2 nd person singular subject marking (see §4.8.1.2). Note that 2 nd person glottalization may affect any consonant phoneme, including sonorants and fricatives (see Beck 2006 for a treatment of ejective fricatives in the Upper Necaxa dialect). The vowels in these contexts behave identically to the underlying latent vowels: phonetically they are devoiced or optionally deleted, are only perceptible in the noisy release of the ! (*!
consonant, and don’t protect final consonants from prosodic glottalization. They could be analyzed as losing their root node in this context. 154)/kaa-aa-[cg]/ 155) /#tata-niita&-[cg]/ cut-IMPF-2SUB.sg sleep-PRFT-2SUB.sg [kaay’a&] [#tataníit’a&] ‘you cut it’ ‘you have slept’ 156)/c"imam’a&/ 157) /s"-laaqtsin-kan-[cg]/ fuzzy PAST-see-REFL-2SUB.sg] [c"imám’a&] [s"laaqtsínk’a&] ‘fuzzy’ ‘you saw yourself’ 2.6.5 Postlexical constraints at word and phrase boundaries. FM Totonac has three different types of epenthesis that occur only postlexically between words or at prosodic boundaries. These include vowel epenthesis, nasal epenthesis, and glottal epenthesis. 2.6.5.1 Vowel epenthesis. Postlexically, in connected speech at word boundaries, V-C transitions are preferred. When two consonants come together across a word boundary, in most cases an intervening vowel is required, resulting in vowel epenthsis. As discussed in §2.2.3 and §2.4, reduced vowels or vowel features occur in the release of word-final consonants prepausally. Because of the presence of these latent vowels, as I analyze them, I posit the epenthesis of an empty vowel root node at C-C boundaries. If the final consonant of the first word has such associated vowel features in its release, these features attach to the inserted root node, resulting in a fully voiced vowel. When no latent vowel is present in the release of the first C (possible with final nasals), an epenthetic i fills the vowel slot between words. 158)/s"-laqati qawaac"a& wanqin/ 159)/tan-tim sasan/ PAST-like boy frog TAIL-one skunk [s"laqatí N qawáac"a wánqen] [tantími sásan] ‘the boy liked the frog’ ‘one skunk’ 160)/maa-lii-waa-ii stapu& s"-kaman’a&/ CAUS-INSTR-eat-TRAN bean 3POSS-children [maaliiwíi stápu s"káman’a&] ‘she feeds beans to her children’ ! (+!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
Page 13 and 14: References ........................
Page 15 and 16: List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
Page 19 and 20: Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
Page 21 and 22: soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24: 1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26: Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28: Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30: seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31 and 32: 2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 33 and 34: 13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
Page 35 and 36: 17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38: 21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40: Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41 and 42: 2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43 and 44: "panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 45 and 46: ’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48: 2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50: 2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52: There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54: 2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70: fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72: of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76: 196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84: Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86: colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88: 212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90: piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92: penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94: 3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96: 3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98: 4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100: 11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102: Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103: 3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107: 3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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