The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the choice of kin-kaa- . . .-ni" ‘me + you’ for 1 st plural reflexives correctly reflects the underlying semantics of reflexive ‘we’ as ‘you + I’. Table 5.5 Reflexive verb paradigm I saw myself you saw yourself he saw himself kilaaqtsínka& /kin-laaqtsin-kan-li&/ 1OBJ-see-REF laaqtsínk'a& laaqtsin-kan-[cg] see-REF-2SUB.sg laaqtsínka& laaqtsin-kan-li& see-REF we saw ourselves you pl. saw yourselves they saw themselves ! ",,! kinkaalaaqtsinkán kin-kaa-laaqtsin-kan-ni& 1OBJ-OBJ.pl-see-REF-2OBJ kaalaaqtsinkántiti& kaa-laaqtsin-kan-titi& OBJ.pl-see-REF-2SUB.pl kaalaaqtsínka& kaa-laaqtsin-kan-li& OBJ.pl-see-REF The meaning of any reflexive sentence in FM Totonac is ambiguous between the reflexive reading and an ‘indefinite subject’ reading, for example ‘I saw myself’ or ‘Someone saw me’. This is treated further in the next section. 5.4.4.5 Indefinite Subject –kan. As just noted, all verb forms in -kan can be read equally as reflexives or as having an ‘indefinite subject’, as it is referred to in Totonac studies. The latter reading is glossed as ‘someone does X’, with the impersonal ‘they do X’, or as ‘X is done’. With first and third person subjects, the ‘someone does X’ gloss is formally appropriate; that is, in the sentence ‘someone sees me’, for example, the verb ‘see’ is inflected with the first person object prefix and with –kan (refer to Table 5.5). However, verbs in –kan with second person subjects take 2 nd person subject markers (again, see Table 5.5), have the formal characteristics of an atypical passive, and are more appropriately glossed as, for example, ‘you are seen’. Dixon & Aikhenvald’s criteria for a prototypical passive are: a) applies to an underlying transitive clause and forms a derived intransitive; b) the underlying O becomes S of the passive; c) the underlying A argument goes into a peripheral function, being marked by a non-core case, adposition, etc; this argument can be omitted, although there is always the option of including it; d) there is some explicit formal marking of a passive construction (generally, by a verbal affix or periphrastic verbal construction. Dixon & Aikhenvald (1997:73) Verbs with 2 nd person subjects and the suffix –kan meet criteria a), b), and d), but always omit the underlying A; Dixon & Aikhenvald call this an “agentless passive” (Dixon & Aikhenvald 1997:74). Note that verbs in –kan with second person subjects show all second person subject
morphology, including suppletion of stems and inflectional and derivational affixes (as in example 203). Anomalously, those with plural subjects also take the plural object marker –kaa (see Table 5.5). 201) túu n tlawakán 202) waniikán kévin /tuu tlawa-kan-aa/ /wan-nii-kan-aa kevin/ what do-REF-IMPF say-DAT-REF-IMPF kevin ‘it is what is done’ ‘He is called Kevin’ 203) s%maqtayaapaakámpI 204) kintaaqootkán /s"-maqtayaa-paa-kan-pii/ /kin-taa-qoot-kan-aa/ PAST-help-PROG2-REF-DOWN2 1OBJ-COM-drink-REF-IMPF ‘they were helping you over there’/ ‘they drink with me’ ‘you were being helped over there’ 5.5 Other derivational morphemes. This section covers a number of derivational morphemes not discussed in previous sections, including the associative, the distributive, DOWN, the deictics, the adverbial proclitics and the reduplicated sound and manner adverbials. 5.5.1 Associative maq-. As noted in §5.4.2.1, the associative prefix maq- indicates that the action of the verb is performed with others. Unlike the comitative, the associative does not affect the valence of the verb, and the other participants it refers to may not be specified. The verb maqtayaa (ASS+stand) exists with the lexicalized meaning ‘help someone’ 205) kmaqwaayanqóow /k-maq-waayan-qoo-wa&/ 1exc-ASS-eat-TOT-1pl ‘we finished eating together’ 206) naamaqtanúuma /naa=maq-ta-nuu-maa ALSO=ASS-INC-in-PROG ‘he is also among them’ ! ",-!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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