The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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eplaced by an idiosyncratic construction based on the root la ‘live’. This kind of exceptional behavior is not entirely unexpected in a closed class item, and seems to be purely lexical. 47) kamaawáka kmésa /ka-maa-waka k-mesa/ IRR-CAUS-up LOC-table ‘put it up on the table!’ 48) wilíi *maawi(la) /wila-ii/ seated-TRANS ‘he seated her’ 49) yáawa *maayaa /yaa-wan/ standing-become? ‘he stood it up’ 50) kta!amí *kmaamaa /k-ta-la-mi/ 1SUB-INC-live-DOWN ‘I put him to bed’ 5.4.1.1.2 Causativized intransitive verbs. A subset of the intransitives have causatives in maq(a)- (see §5.4.1.2) Otherwise, any intransitive verb may be causativized by maa-, usually in combination with the transitivizing suffix –ii or –VV. Note that, in example 53, an inanimate object may be the causer, although animate causers are much more common. 51) maaxas%áa /maa-xas"-ii-aa/ CAUS-rest-TRAN-IMPF ‘s/he makes him/her rest’ 52) maapanqnankán /maa-panq-nan-kan-aa/ CAUS-explode-IND.O-REF-IMPF ‘someone explodes something’ ! ").!
53) kimaamóqosii n c%íwis% /kin-maa-moqosii-li& c"iwis"/ 1OBJ-CAUS-fall-PFTV rock ‘a rock made me fall’ 54) kmaapuksíi /k-maa-puks-ii-aa/ 1SUB-CAUS-stink-TRAN-IMPF ‘I make it stink around here’ 55) maatsukiiyáa /maa-tsuku-ii-aa/ CAUS-begin-TRAN-IMPF ‘we begin it’ 56) kmaac%iwiiníi /k-maa-c"iwiina-ii-aa/ 1SUB-CAUS-talk-TRAN-IMPF ‘I make her talk’ 57) kmaastalánkwi /k-maa-stalankwa-ii-li&/ 1SUB-CAUS-awake-TRAN-PFTV ‘I awakened him’ As noted at the beginning of this section, the causer becomes the new A argument, and the S argument of the original clause (the causee) becomes the O argument in the causative construction. This can be seen in example 53, where the 1 st person causee is marked on the causativized verb with the 1OBJ prefix kin-. This is true not only for the intransitive verbs in this section but also for the positionals and statives discussed above. Given the semantics of the latter classes, however, third person singular causees are by far the majority, and these are zeromarked. Other examples of causativized intransitives with non-third person singular causees are: 58) kimáawi /kin-maa-waa-TRAN-li&/ 1OBJ-CAUS-eat-PFTV ‘she made me eat/she fed me’ ! ")"!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125: Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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