The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflection O B J E C T S 1sg 1pl 2sg 2pl 3sg 3pl U 1sg B 1pl J 2sg E 2pl X X k-. . .- ni& 1SUB.exc-2OBJ X X k-kaa-. . .- ni& kin-. . .-[cg]/-ti& kin-laa-. . .-wa& 1OBJ-2SUB kin-laa-. . .-wa& 1OBJ-3OBJ.pl- 1pl C 3sg kin- 1OBJ T 3pl kin-ta- 1OBJ-3SUB.pl 1OBJ-3OBJ.pl- 1pl kin-laa-. . .-wa& 1OBJ-3OBJ.pl- 1pl kin-kaa. . .- ni& 1OBJ-OBJ.pl- 2OBJ kin-ta-. . .-ni& 1OBJ-3SUB.pl- 2OBJ 1SUB.exc-2OBJ.pl- 2OBJ ! "'*! k-kaa-. . . – ni& 1SUB.exc-2OBJ.pl- 2OBJ k-kaa-. . .- ni& 1SUB.exc-2OBJ.pl- 2OBJ k- 1SUB.exc (k-). . .-wa& (1SUB.exc)- 1SUB.pl X X -[cg]/-ti& X X -titi& - ni& 2OBJ ta-. . .- ni& 3SUB.pl-2OBJ kaa-. . .- ni& OBJ.pl-2OBJ kaa-. . .- ni& OBJ.pl-2OBJ 2SUB.sg 2SUB.pl " ta- 3SUB.pl k-kaa- 1SUB.exc-OBJ.pl (k-) kaa-. . .-wa& (1SUB.exc)- OBJ.pl-1SUB.pl kaa- . . .[cg]/-ti& OBJ.pl-2SUB.sg kaa-. . .-titi& OBJ.pl-2SUB.pl kaa- OBJ.pl kaa- OBJ.pl
Chapter 5 Derivational Verbal Morphology 5.1 Introduction. The verbal derivational morphology of FM Totona is exceptionally rich. This chapter will describe the many verbal morphemes whose categories are not obligatorily marked on the verb, including a wealth of valence-changing affixes; negation and negative polarity items; distributive, desiderative, iterative, ambulative, totalitive and deictic affixes; and other more idiosyncratic ones, such as DOWN, ROUND-TRIP and MEANWHILE. All affixes and clitics discussed in this chapter are listed in Appendix A. As noted in Chapter 4, the division of the morphology into inflectional and derivational is made problematic by complications like the occurrence of inflectional affixes inside derivational ones, and affixes that express both derivational and inflectional categories. One affix, counterexpectational ti-, must be considered in both chapters 4 and 5, since it is obligatory for the expression of deontic necessity and conditionality, but is also available to freely derive verbs with the meaning ‘do X against expectations’. As with the treatment of the inflectional morphology, this chapter will limit itself to the functional and semantic aspects of derivation, with a discussion of verbal structure to come in Chapter 6. The use of the extensive morphological resources of the language to create new lexical items is apparent on a daily basis. Perhaps because Totonac has not been a written language until very recently, speakers often differ in how they construct words, for example, using different nominalization strategies, as in takátsi" and takatsíin, both meaning ‘knowledge’, or líitsoqn"i" and liimaqátsoqn"i", ‘writing instrument’, with the second form including the body part prefix maqa- ‘hand’. Speakers in Filomeno Mata frequently say that they don’t use a certain word used by others, but that it’s understandable, and often comment with pleasure on particularly apropos derived forms that have not been previously lexicalized. For example, there seems to be no widely accepted word in the FM Totonac for ‘eyebrow’, but my consultant’s brother was celebrated by his family for his creation of muutanqa$i#iti", from ‘forehead’ and ‘hair’. It seems that people are creating words on the fly with the rich derivational resources at their command, some of which become conventionalized and others not, to a greater extent than is found in nonagglutinating languages. Most derivational affixes may occur only once on a verb, but a small number may attach recursively if morphosemantically motivated. These include dative –nii, causative maa-, and the instrumental applicatives lii- and puu-. In the case of the two instrumentals, it is possible for both to be affixed to a single verb. Each case of recursive affixation is discussed in the appropriate section of this chapter. The rest of this chapter is divided into four categories: 1) negation and negative polarity items; 2) secondary mood and aspect, 3) valence-changing morphology; and 4) other affixes, including deictics. Derivation is achieved entirely through affixation, and like inflectional affixes, derivational affixes occur both preceding and following the verb stem. Appendix B gives the ! "'+!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103: 3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107: 3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115: When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117: 3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125: Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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