The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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Table 3.2 Kinship term plurals Unspecified number Plural Plural gloss -kam -kamán’a&,-lakkamanáan ‘children’ luwáan luwanáan ‘non-indigenous men’ tantlíin tantliiníin ‘dancers’ kuc"iiná’a& kuc"iinaníin ‘healers’ karastiánu lakkarastianún, ! +*! (lak)karastianún’i& ‘persons’ -náana’a& laknaanaaníin ‘mothers’ puskáati& lakpuskán, lakpuskaatíin ‘women’ -pus"ku& lakpus"kuníin ‘elder (brother)s’ qawáac"a& laqawaac"án ‘boys’ qoolútsin laqqoolún ‘old men’ qootnín laqqootníin ‘drunks’ sqata& laqsqatáan ‘babies’ -stanku& lakstankún’i ‘youngest children’ s"inúula laks"inuuláhn&i& ‘non-indigenous women’ -táqo& na-/laq-taqón’i& ‘grandmothers’ tsumuxáati& laktsumuxán ‘girls’ c"ic"í’i& lakc"ic"íin ‘dogs’ c"is"kú’u& (lak)c"is"kuwíin, lakc"is"kún’i& ‘men’ -kuku& na-/lak-kukún’i& ‘uncles’ -kukustá’a& na-/lak-kukustáan’i& ‘brothers-in-law’ -náp’a& na-/lak-napán’i& ‘aunts’ -pápa& napapán’i& ‘grandfathers’ -píipi’i& napiipín’i& ‘elder sisters’ -pus"nímati& napus"nimátn&i& ‘nephews/nieces’ -taalá’a& nataalaán, nataaláan’i& ‘siblings’ -táanati& nataanátn&i& ‘grandchildren’ -taapus"nímati& nataapus"nimátn&i& ‘cousins’ -téko& natekuníin, natekún’i& ‘fathers’
3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besides the general human-referring nouns, deverbal agentive nouns are regularly capable of pluralization. These nouns derive from a verb suffixed in –nan or –nVn (with a harmonic vowel), the habitual suffix (§5.4.4.1). The morphology associated with the agentive construction is a stress shift leftward which results in the deletion of the final -n of - nan, and the glottalization of the vowel: ku$iinán ‘s/he heals habitually’, ku$iiná’! ‘healer’. Such nouns do not take a pluralizing prefix, only the suffix –iin, with stress on the final syllable preceding the suffix. Because this moves stress rightward, the final –n of the –nan suffix is recovered, yielding: ku$iiná’! ‘healer’ ! ku$iinan-iin ! ku$iinaníin. Although my consultants said the pluralized forms were correct, they stated that they were rarely used. Table 3.3 Agentive plurals Singular Plural Plural gloss maqniiná’a& maqniinaníin ‘assassins’ pas"iiná’a& pas"iinaníin ‘painters’ qa#aaná’a& qa#aananíin ‘thieves’ saqná’a& saqnaníin ‘wood- ! ++! gatherers’ staaná’a& staananíin ‘vendors’ tlaqná’a& tlaqnaníin ‘musicians’ tsapaná’a& tsapananíin ‘seamsters’ tsoqnú’u& tsoqnaníin ‘writers’ s"apaná’a& s"apananíin ‘masseurs’ s"wakná’a& s"waknaníin ‘carpenters’ laataamaaná’a& laataamaananíin ‘inhabitants’ 3.3.1.4 Number and body parts. Most body part nouns, which are unspecified for number like other nouns, end in a nominal suffix –ni". This -ni" form is the one used most commonly. To emphasize specifically one or both of body parts that occur in pairs, two other constructions are possible. To specify only one of the pair (most frequently, the other of the pair), the suffix –tu" replaces –ni"; to specify both of the pair, -tiyú’u" replaces –ni". The forms specified for number that follow in the list are the only ones my consultants felt comfortable with. They agreed that theoretically the constructions would apply to other body part nouns, such as ‘ears’ or ‘legs’, but said that no one employed them. Except in unusual contexts (i.e., a severed limb) all body parts must appear with a possessive prefix.
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43 and 44: "panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 45 and 46: ’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48: 2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50: 2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52: There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54: 2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66: consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70: fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72: of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76: 196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84: Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86: colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88: 212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90: piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92: penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93: 3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 97 and 98: 4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100: 11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102: Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103: 3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107: 3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115: When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117: 3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125: Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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