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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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<strong>The</strong> treatment <strong>of</strong> initial b in borrowed words in FM <strong>Totonac</strong> is not uniform; it may be borrowed as<br />

p, b, or w, as shown in the final three examples <strong>of</strong> 210). It is possibly relevant that Spanish stops<br />

are spiranticized unless preceded by a pause or a stop, so word-initial stops may have two<br />

allophones depending on their context. With the labial stop, it is unclear how the allophones, b <strong>and</strong><br />

ß affect the outcome. It is possible that for some words, the most frequent phrasal context may<br />

explain the difference. While <strong>Totonac</strong> does not have a voicing contrast in any segment, stops do<br />

occasionally become at least partially voiced intervocalically, <strong>and</strong> this fact may also influence the<br />

outcome.<br />

2.9.1.2 Fricatives. <strong>The</strong> analysis <strong>of</strong> the fricatives is complicated by the fact that the Spanish<br />

sibilants were undergoing a readjustment precisely during the period in question here, the first half<br />

<strong>of</strong> the 16th (Penny 2002:101). <strong>The</strong> conquistadores may have had a dento-alveolar s", an alveolar s<br />

<strong>and</strong> a prepalatal #, however, the first two merged <strong>and</strong> the prepalatal became velar x around 1650.<br />

Spanish s, which was probably apical in the 16 th century dialect, was borrowed into <strong>Totonac</strong><br />

almost as <strong>of</strong>ten as s as it was as #. It is possible that <strong>Totonac</strong> listeners may have perceived the<br />

apical s as r<strong>and</strong>omly varying between the two sibilants, but since a Spanish s in similar contexts<br />

could be borrowed as either phoneme (e.g. karastiánu < Sp. cristiano ‘person’, but ka#tíla < Sp.<br />

castellano ‘Spanish’), more analysis is needed.<br />

211) Examples <strong>of</strong> loan words with sibilants<br />

sáapatu& < Sp. sábado ‘Saturday’<br />

s%inúula < Sp. señora ‘lady’ ‘non-indigenous woman’<br />

kapunésus < Sp. japoneses ‘Japanese’ ‘tangerine’<br />

’áawas" < Sp. habas ‘lima bean’<br />

Words with the Spanish phoneme that was changing from # to x at this time were borrowed with #<br />

as in ká#a < Sp. caja ‘box’ <strong>and</strong> ’áa#u# < Sp. ajos ‘garlic’. Spanish f generally becomes p in<br />

loanwords, as in kapé < Sp. café ‘c<strong>of</strong>fee’. With both Spanish f <strong>and</strong> x, there are cases where they<br />

are replaced by k, e.g. #akwers < Sp. a fuerzas ’by force’ (#a- is the adjectivizing prefix) <strong>and</strong><br />

kapunésus < Sp. japoneses ‘Japanese’ (but meaning ‘tangerine’). A relevant fact may be the<br />

strong aspiration <strong>of</strong> syllable-final stops in FM <strong>Totonac</strong>, <strong>and</strong> particularly the release <strong>of</strong> syllablefinal<br />

uvular stops into the africate q ( . Listener misperception could lead to an analysis <strong>of</strong> Spanish<br />

fricatives as the release burst <strong>of</strong> a stop.<br />

2.9.1.3 Liquids. FM <strong>Totonac</strong> usually replaces all the Spanish laterals <strong>and</strong> rhotics with l or<br />

syllable-finally with ". <strong>The</strong>re are some cases, however, <strong>of</strong> the tap or trill rhotic, or even l, being<br />

borrowed as a tap. In the single case <strong>of</strong> kawáyu < caballo (with a palatal l) ‘horse’, the lateral is<br />

borrowed as y.<br />

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