The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

of words I have included as following the stress rule actually have morphological stress. This
would give the stress rule even less predictive power.
2.7.2 Morphological stress. Morphological stress is assigned by the final construction, usually
by the suffixation of the aspect marker in verbs and the nominalizer in nouns. Compounds and
ideophonic constructions have their own specific stress patterns. Stress is associated with
constructions, not with the phonological surfacing of an affix. Thus a stem that has undergone
the impefective aspect construction receives final stress, whether or not the imperfective –aa, for
example is phonologically deleted.
Because of the various simplification processes that affect word-final suffixes (see §2.6.4.4) and
the complications of nodeless vowels (see §2.2.3), the stress rules to be discussed are often not
surface true. They must be computed based on underlyingly present suffix syllables. It is usually
clearer to refer to stress falling one or two syllables preceding certain suffixes, rather than using
the terms ‘penult’ and ‘antepenult’, although I will use these terms when they won’t cause
confusion.
In addition, to compute stress accurately, a few words must be said about the underlyingly latent
vowels that some suffixes end in. These may not receive stress when they are word-final, but
they count as syllables for calculating stress assignment because the addition of the following
suffix will cause them to receive an epenthetic vowel node by regular rule (see §2.6.5.1). For
example, the deictic –$i" HERE, when word-final in a word with final stress, is not stressed:
waayán$i" ‘he eats here’. In waayan$íw ‘we eat here’, however, the i has become a full, stressable
vowel by virtue of the following first person plural suffix –w!, which assigns stress to the
syllable preceding it.
The totalitive –qo’o" and BEFORE –qe’e" morphemes act inconsistently with regard to stress. In
final stress patterns, they behave as normal final long vowels, that is, they are stressed on the first
mora and glottalized: waayanqó’o" ‘he finishes eating’, nakqaltawaqaqé’e" ‘I will finish studying
meanwhile’. With all other aspects, these suffixes count as two syllables, that is, as if the glottal
stop is underlying. This anomalous behavior is perhaps associated with the trend in FM Totonac
to losing morpheme-internal glottal stops (see §2.3.1.5).
Each type of morphological stress is detailed in the following subsections.
2.7.2.1 Suffix-associated stress. The suffixes marking all four aspects, the person agreement
suffixes, and the enclitic =kú’u", are each associated with a particular stress pattern underlyingly,
final, penult, or antepenult. Verbal stress is assigned by whichever of these is the final suffixal
construction, even if it does not surface phonologically. These stress patterns are often not found
at the surface not only because of the phonological shortening and deletion of the stress-related
suffixes, but also of other suffixes such as the iterative –pa)a, which sometimes reduces to -pa
(see §2.3.4.4.6). All other suffixes and enclitics have a null effect on stress, even if they occur
outside a stress-assigning suffix.
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