The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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questions about the usefulness of categorical distinctions rather than gradient, descriptive ones in describing the binding of verbal morphemes to the stem. The stress facts in particular support an assumption that the negative/negative polarity proclitics are the last block to attach to the verb. 6.5.4 Summary of verbal structure. The preceding sub-sections have provided evidence regarding the hierarchical structure of the Filomeno Mata Totonac verb, with its division into three major zones based on affix ordering possibilities, confirmed or cross-cut by subzones based on other phonological and morphological evidence. In spite of the fuzziness at the edges of the zones due to conflicting evidence, a general model of the verb may be offered in Table 6.12. Table 6.12 Structure of FM Totonac verb [P19-[root]-S15] Fully derived/inflected verb [P14-[root]-S15] Stress zone [P11-[root]-S10] Variable order suffix zone [P11-[root]-S3] Variable order prefix zone [P5-[root]-S3] Causative-harmonic stem [root] ! #'(!
References Anon. 2005. Enciclopedia de los Municipios de México, Estado de Veracruz de Ignacio de la Llave: Filomeno Mata. Instituto Nacional para el Federalismo y el Desarrollo Municipal, Gobierno del Estado de Veracruz, México. Arana Osnaya, Evangelina. 1953. Reconstrucción del proto-totonaco. In Huastecos, totonacos y sus vecinos, ed. Ignacio Bernal and Eusebio Dávalos Hurtado, 123-130. Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antropológicos no. 13 (2/3). México: Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología. Beck, David. 2008. Ideophones, adverbs, and predicate qualification in Upper Necaxa Totonac. International Journal of American Linguistics 74, 1–46. Beck, David. 2007a. Variable ordering of affixes in Upper Necaxa Totonac. In Proceedings of the 12th Workshop on Structure and Constituency in the Languages of the Americas. Vancouver: UBC Working Papers in Linguistics. Beck, David. 2007b. Morphological phrasemes in Totonacan inflection. In Papers for the 2007 International Conference on Meaning-Text Theory. Vienna: Wiener Slawistischer Almananch, Sonderband 69. Beck, David. 2007c. Voice and agreement in multi-object constructions in Upper Necaxa Totonac. In Memorias de IX Encuentro Internacional de Lingüística en el Noroeste. Hermosillo, Mexico: University of Sonora. Beck, David. 2006a. Control of agreement in multi-object constructions in Upper Necaxa Totonac. In Atsushi Fujimori & Maria Amelia Reis Silva (Eds.), Proceedings of the 11th Workshop on Structure and Constituency in the Languages of the Americas, 1–11. Vancouver: UBC Working Papers in Linguistics. Beck, David. 2006b. The emergence of ejective fricatives in Upper Necaxa Totonac. In Robert Kirchner (ed.), University of Alberta Working Papers in Linguistics 1. Beck, David. 2004. A Grammatical Sketch of Upper Necaxa Totonac. LINCOM: Europa. Beck, David. 2003. Person-hierarchies and the origin of asymmetries in Totonac verbal paradigms. Linguistica Atlantica 23, 1–33. Beck, David. 2001. Primer vocabulario práctico del idioma totonaco del Río Necaxa. (First practical vocabulary of Upper Necaxa Totonac.) Edmonton: University of Alberta. Beck, David. 2000. The syntax, semantics, and typology of adjectives in Upper Necaxa Totonac. Linguistic Typology 4, 213–50. Beck, David & Yvonne Lam. 2008. Language loss and linguistic suicide: A case study from the Sierra Norte de Puebla, Mexico. In Sarah Cummins, Brigit Janoski, and Patricia A. Shaw (eds.), All the Things You Are: A Festschrift for Jack Chambers. Toronto: Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics. Bickel, Balthasar. 2009. Typological Patterns and Hidden Diversity. Plenary address, Association for Linguistic Typology 8th Biennial Meeting, Berkeley. http://www.unileipzig.de/~bickel/research/presentations/index.html. Blevins, Juliette. 2008. Consonant epenthesis: Natural and unnatural histories. In Explaining Linguistic Universals: Historical Convergence and Universal Grammar, ed. Jeff Good. Oxford: Oxford University Press p. 79-109. Bresnan, Joan and Lioba Moshi. 1990. Object Asymmetries in Comparative Bantu Syntax. Linguistic Inquiry 21:147-185. Broselow, E. (to appear) Language contact phonology: Richness of the stimulus, poverty of the base. Proceedings of NELS 34. Amherst, MA: GLSA. ! #')!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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