The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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inserting a harmonic dorsal to replace the glottalization of the final sonorant which cannot occur word-internally. Table 2.9 Harmonic BPPs ’ak-/’aq- HEAD ki#-/qa#- MOUTH kinka-/qanqa- NOSE lak-/laq- LOWER LEG laka-/laqa- FACE/EYE mak-/maq- BODY maka-/maqa- HAND tan-, tank-/tanq- REAR, BOTTOM 56) /lak-s"kayiw mi-laka-stapu&/ 57) /lak-tsutsuqu mi-laka-stapu&/ PL-green 2POSS-FACE-bean PL-red 2POSS-FACE-bean [laks"kayíw milakastáp h u&] [laqtsutsóqo milakastáp h u&] ‘your eyes are green’ ‘your eyes are red’ 58) /k-ak-skit/ 59) /k-ak-c"iqii/ 1SUB-HEAD-comb 1SUB-HEAD-wash [k’akskít h ] [k’aqc"eqée] ‘I comb my hair’ ‘I wash my hair’ 60) /kin-maka-s"ama/ 61) /maka-tawaqa piolin/ 1OBJ-HAND-touch HAND-practice violin [kimakas"amá] [maqatawaqá m piolín] ‘he touches my face’ ‘she practices violin’ When the harmonic BPPs form compounds to label other body parts, the derived prefixes do not always display uvular harmony. For example, lakpi- ‘cheek’ (‘face+edge’) does not harmonize with roots with q, and makapis"- ‘wrist (’hand+neck’) does so only optionally. Other body part prefixes, ‘aqa- ‘ear’, peeqe- ‘arm’, qaapi- ‘thigh’ and qee- ‘back’, have an underlying q that does not harmonize with root k, that is, the direction of harmony is always prefix to root and k to q. ! '#!
There are a number of roots with underlying x that may be reflexes of Proto-Totonac q. These roots combine with the q-containing allomorphs of the harmonic prefixes. 62) /kin-lak=pi-qas"i/ 63) /kin-maka=pis"-qas"i/ 1OBJ-CHEEK-punch 1OBJ-WRIST-punch [kilakpiqás"i] [kimakapis"qás"i]/[kimaqapis"qás"i] ‘s/he punched me in the cheek’ ‘s/he punched me in the wrist’ 64) /piiqi-c"iqii/ 65) /ki-maa-laka-stax-ii/ ARM-wash 1OBJ-CAUS-FACE-water-TRANS [peeqec"eqée] [kimaalaqasta*áa] ‘s/he washes her/his arm’ ‘it makes my eyes water’ The uvular harmony process is not only limited to particular prefixes, but is also sometimes lexicalized, as in the forms lakac'a’án (‘face+there+go’) ‘s/he sees from a distance’ vs. laqa$a’aníi (face+there+go+DATIVE) ‘s/he gets bored’. This uvular harmony constraint is related to a constraint against high vowels adjacent to uvulars, which is discussed in §2.6.3.1. 2.6.2.2 Consonant degemination. No underlying geminates exist in FM Totonac. Consonant degemination occurs only related to a small number of affixes, while generally, false geminates are tolerated. 2.6.2.2.1 False geminates. False geminates, i.e. identical consonants brought together at morpheme boundaries, are very common. In most cases, degemination does not occur, unlike in other Totonac varieties (McKay 1999:53-54) (but see §2.6.1.1.1 for the systematic exception of nasal degemination). In FM Totonac, generally each of the identical consonants is retained; geminate plosives are released phonetically, with the possibility of a very brief schwa-like vowel intervening between the two segments, and geminate fricatives are audibly lengthened. 66) /pis"-s"in/ 67) /stunk-kutun/ NECK-itch straighten-DES [pis"s"ín] [stunk%kutún] ‘his neck itches’ ‘he wants to straighten it’ ! ''!
Page 1 and 2: The phonology and morphology of Fil
Page 3 and 4: Abstract The phonology and morpholo
Page 5 and 6: Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
Page 7 and 8: 2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
Page 9 and 10: 3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
Page 11 and 12: 5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
Page 13 and 14: References ........................
Page 15 and 16: List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
Page 17 and 18: List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
Page 19 and 20: Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
Page 21 and 22: soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24: 1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26: Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28: Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30: seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31 and 32: 2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 33 and 34: 13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
Page 35 and 36: 17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38: 21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40: Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41 and 42: 2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43 and 44: "panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 45 and 46: ’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48: 2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49: 2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 53 and 54: 2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66: consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70: fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72: of words I have included as followi
Page 73 and 74: e followed only by a deictic (these
Page 75 and 76: 196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
Page 77 and 78: likely to show stress shift are the
Page 79 and 80: Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
Page 81 and 82: Table 2.12 Major and derived color
Page 83 and 84: Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
Page 85 and 86: colonialization. This would be afte
Page 87 and 88: 212) Examples of loan words with li
Page 89 and 90: piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
Page 91 and 92: penultimate stress patterns, derive
Page 93 and 94: 3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96: 3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98: 4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100: 11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102:
Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103:
3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107:
3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189:
134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197:
167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199:
5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203:
Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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