The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with ‘come’ Persons Gloss Present imperfective Present perfective 1-2 ‘I come with you’ /k-taa-min-aa-ni&/ 1-3 ‘I come with him/her/it’ 1-5 ‘I come with you pl’ ktaamináan /k-taa-min/ ktaamín /k-kaa-taa-min-aa-ni&/ kkaataamináan 1-6 ‘I come with them’ /k-kaa-taa-min/ 2-1 ‘you come with me’ 2-3 ‘you come with him/her/it’ kkaataamín /kin-taa-tan-aa-[cg]/ kintaatán’a& /taa-tan-aa-[cg]/ taatán’a& 2-4 ‘you come with us’ /kin-laa-taa-min-aa/ 2-6 ‘you come with them’ 3-1 ‘he comes with me’ 3-2 ‘he comes with you’ 3-3 ‘he comes with him/her/it’ kilaataamináa /kaa-taa-tan-aa-[cg]/ kaataatán’a& /kin-taa-min/ kintaamín /taa-min-aa-ni&/ taamináan /taa-min/ taamín 3-4 ‘he comes with us’ /kin-kaa-taa-min-aa-ni&/ 3-5 ‘he comes with you pl’ 3-6 ‘he comes with them’ 4-2 ‘we come with you’ 4-3 ‘we come with him/her/it’ kinkaataamináan /kaa-taa-min-aa-ni&/ kaataamináan /kaa-taa-min/ kaataamín /k-kaa-taa-min-aa-ni&/ kkaataamináan /k-taa-min-aa/ ktaamináa ! "*.! /k-taa-min-ni&/ ktaamín /k-taa-min/ ktáami /k-kaa-taa-min-ni&/ kkaataamín /k-kaa-taa-min/ kkaatáami /kin-taa-tan-[cg]/ kintáat’a& /taa-tan-[cg]/ táat’a& /kin-laa-taa-min-wa&/ kilaataamíwh /kaa-taa-tan-[cg]/ kaatáat’a& /kin-taa-min/ kintáami /taa-min-ni&/ taamín /taa-min/ táami /kin-kaa-taa-min-ni&/ kinkaataamín /kaa-taa-min-ni&/ kaataamín /kaa-taa-min/ kaatáami /k-kaa-taa-min-ni&/ kkaataamín /k-taa-min-wa&/ ktaamíwh
4-5 ‘we come with you pl’ 4-6 ‘we come with them’ 5-1 ‘you pl come with me’ 5-3 ‘you pl come with him/her/it’ 5-4 ‘you pl come with us’ 5-6 ‘you pl come with them’ 6-1 ‘they come with me’ 6-2 ‘they come with you’ 6-3 ‘they come with him/her/it’ 6-4 ‘they come with us’ 6-5 ‘they come with you pl’ 6-6 ‘they come with them’ /k-kaa-taa-min-aa-ni&/ kkaataamináan /k-kaa-taa-min-aa/ kkaataamináa /kin-laa-taa-min-aa/ kilaataamináa /taa-tan-aa/ taatanáa /kin-laa-taa-min-aa/ kilaataamináa /kaa-taa-tan-aa/ kaataatanáa /kin-ta-taa-min/ kintataamín /ta-taa-min-aa-ni&/ tataamináan /ta-taa-min/ tataamín /kin-kaa-taa-min-aa-ni&/ kinkaataamináan /kaa-taa-min-aa-ni&/ kaataamináan /ta-taa-min/ tataamín *kaataamín ! "*"! /k-kaa-taa-min-ni&/ kkaataamín /k-kaa-taa-min-wa&/ kkaataamíwh /kin-laa-taa-min-wa&/ kilaataamíwh /taa-tan-titi&/ taatántit /kin-laa-taa-min-wa&/ kilaataamíwh /kaa-taa-tan-titi&/ kaataatátit /kin-ta-taa-min/ kintatáami /ta-taa-min-ni&/ tataamín /ta-taa-min/ tatáami /kin-kaa-taa-min-ni&/ kinkaataamín /kaa-taa-min-ni&/ kaataamín /kaa-taa-min/ kaatáami 5.4.2.2 Dative –nii. With intransitive verbs, the dative applicative -nii acts as a transitivizer and adds a direct object. As examples 94 and 95 illustrate, the argument added by the dative, in these cases a first person singular object, is marked on the verb with normal object affixes, as with the comitative. The long suffix vowel shortens word-finally (see §2.6.4.4.3.4). 91) kpeekwaníi /k-peekwa-nii-aa/ 1SUB-afraid-DAT-IMPF ‘I fear him’
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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