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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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epenthetic w appears before u in the compound skawawáwuun ‘dry wind’. No other exceptions<br />

are found in my database.<br />

2.5.5 Nasal restrictions. Nasals are restricted in their distribution within roots. Both nasal<br />

phonemes n <strong>and</strong> m are found only preceding vowels, preceding homorganic plosives (see<br />

consonant cluster discussion in §2.5.1 <strong>and</strong> §2.5.2) <strong>and</strong> word-finally. §2.6.1.1 covers the<br />

synchronic constraints that limit the distribution <strong>of</strong> nasals within derived words.<br />

2.5.6 Glottal stop restrictions. Glottal stops are found only in a limited range <strong>of</strong> environments,<br />

a range much more restricted than many other <strong>Totonac</strong>o-Tepehua varieties. As epenthetic<br />

segments, they appear preceding any vowel-initial prefix or root <strong>and</strong> prepausally separating the<br />

moras <strong>of</strong> a long vowel (see §2.6.5.3 for the role <strong>of</strong> glottal stop in demarcating prosodic<br />

boundaries). Morpheme-internally, they are extremely rare, occurring in only a h<strong>and</strong>ful <strong>of</strong><br />

forms: sa’in ‘rain’, c%a’áan ‘ant’, <strong>and</strong> the suffixes -qe’e MEANWHILE <strong>and</strong> -qo’o TOTALITIVE.<br />

Unlike other stop phonemes, they cannot form clusters with fricatives or nasals. I speculate that<br />

the glottal stop is being lost as a phoneme in FM <strong>Totonac</strong>, <strong>and</strong> is being relegated to a role<br />

primarily as a marker <strong>of</strong> prosodic boundaries.<br />

2.5.7 Root vs. affix structure. Roots, prefixes <strong>and</strong> suffixes differ only slightly in their phonemic<br />

make-up <strong>and</strong> structure. Roots <strong>and</strong> suffixes are much more likely to be disyllabic than prefixes.<br />

Only the special use causative maqa- <strong>and</strong> several <strong>of</strong> the body part prefixes (BPPs), such as laka-<br />

‘face-related’ <strong>and</strong> maka- ‘h<strong>and</strong>-related’, have more than one syllable among the prefixes,<br />

whereas many suffixes do, including ambulative –tii!a, 3 rd plural subject progressive –maana,<br />

iterative –para, desiderative -kutun, totalitive -qo’o, MEANWHILE -qe’e, perfect aspect –niit!,<br />

deictics –$it! <strong>and</strong> –$a’!, <strong>and</strong> 2SUB.pl –titi" (all described in Chapters 4 <strong>and</strong> 5).<br />

Also, affixes are far less likely than roots to contain fricatives. Only past tense #- <strong>and</strong> several<br />

BPPs ( e.g., ki!- ‘mouth-related’ <strong>and</strong> pi#- ‘neck-related’) among the prefixes, <strong>and</strong> the ambulative<br />

–tii!a among suffixes, have fricatives. <strong>The</strong> negative <strong>and</strong> several negative polarity pro-clitics also<br />

contain fricative segments: negative !aa=, NOT YET a!= <strong>and</strong> negative intensifier !aa=.<br />

Fricatives are very common segments in roots.<br />

2.6 Phonological processes. In this section, phonological processes that result in synchronic<br />

alternations are discussed, first those targeting consonants, followed by those relating to vowels.<br />

General phonological constraints that are active across all contexts are discussed first in each<br />

section, then those constraints limited to particular morphological contexts are covered briefly.<br />

Further discussion <strong>of</strong> morphologically conditioned <strong>phonology</strong> is found in Chapter 6. <strong>The</strong> final<br />

subsection provides an analysis <strong>of</strong> postlexical prosodic constraints.<br />

2.6.1 General constraints on consonants. Only two processes related to consonants are active<br />

in all morphological contexts in FM <strong>Totonac</strong>, nasal deletion <strong>and</strong> lateral spirantization.<br />

! #,!

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