The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-kutun-para-aa/ PAST-1SUB-try-DES-ITER-IMPF ‘I wanted to try again’ (8,98 mjl) 6.2.4.4 Variable order and suffix positions 9 and 10. The totalitive –qo’o in position 9 and ‘meanwhile’ –qe’e in position 10 show rather idiosyncratic variability in ordering. I have cases of the totalitive preceding the adjacent desiderative of position 8, and none preceding position 7. However, it occasionally occurs inside the progressive suffix (position 6). The MEANWHILE morpheme –qe’e in position 10 may also precede the desiderative (position 8), and I have one example of it occurring rootward of the ambulative (5). It is not attested preceding the adjacent totalitive, but since they rarely co-occur, this is perhaps not surprising. 28) s%oqoniikutunqooyáan /s"oqo-nii-kutun-qoo-aa-ni&/ pay-DAT-DES-TOT-IMPF-2OBJ s%oqoniiqookutunáan /s"oqo-nii-qoo-kutun-aa-ni&/ pay-DAT-TOT-DES-IMPF-2OBJ ‘he wants to finish paying you’ (8,105 jsf) 29) tatamaqs%toqqoomáana lakkarastiánu /ta-ta-maq-s"toq-qoo-maana lak-karastianu/ 3SUB.pl-INC-BODY-leave-TOT-PROG3 PL-person ‘the people were finishing getting together’ (8,74 mjl) 30) taaskuxkutunqé’e" /taa-skux-kutun-qee-aa/ COM-work-DES-MEAN-IMPF taaskuxqeekutún /taa-skux-qee-kutun-aa/ COM-work-MEAN-DES-IMPF ‘he wants to work first’ (8,159 mjl) ! ##.!
31) maqatawaqatii"aqé’e# /maqa-tawaqa-tii"a-qee-aa/ HAND-practice-AMB-MEAN-IMPF maqatawaqaqeetii"a /maqa-tawaqa-qee-tii"a-aa/ HAND-practice-MEAN-AMB-IMPF ‘he comes along hand-practicing in the meantime’ (8,159 mjl) 6.2.4.5 Summary of suffix order variability. The derivational suffixes in positions 4 through 10 are much less capable of systematic variability in ordering than the prefixes. The ambulative in position 5 acts most like the prefixes, with well-attested occurrence preceding two of the rootward suffixes. Most of the other suffixes have idiosyncratic permutation patterns, with the occasional possibility of reverse order with other suffixes several positions distant. In the middle of this zone of derivational suffixes is a set of morphemes marking the progressive aspect, which fail to move rootward, in this behaving like most other inflectional affixes. 6.2.5 Summary of affix order variability. The FM Totonac verb is divided into zones based on affix ordering facts, with inner and outer zones of fixed order on each side of the root, and middle zones of optional variable order on each side. The affixes involved in non-scopally conditioned variable order are all derivational, with the exception of the plural object prefix. They occur most often in a ‘standard’, or most frequent order shown in Appendix B, but are considered grammatical in an optional reverse order, with no semantic difference. The grammatical ‘goodness’ of reversed affix order exists on a cline, with some speakers showing greater tolerance for it, and speaker-to-speaker and day-to-day variation in its acceptability. The morphology and semantics of the entire stem determines the possibility of variable order, with ambiguity avoidance playing a role in limiting its occurrence. 6.3 Blocking. Another phenomenon of interest that provides information on the structure of the FM Totonac verb is long distance blocking of some verbal components by an inflectional prefix. As described in §4.8.1.2, second person subject is marked by glottalization of the final stem consonant or by affixation, and by suppletion of certain roots and inflectional and derivational affixes (summarized in Table 4.7). Thus verbs that contain suppleting roots and/or affixes will have multiple exponence of the 2 nd person subject. However, all of this subject marking is suppressed in the presence of the 2/1 prefix laa-, associated with a second person subject and first person plural object (see §4.8.2.1), as shown in Table 6.4. This blocking of both morphemes and realizational morphology across the span of the verb from root to final suffix position is unusual. The contribution of these facts to an understanding of verbal structure is discussed in §6.5.2.2. ! ##"!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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