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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa’áqoti&<br />

/kin-tii-maa-maa-tsama-nii-nii-aa s"-maa’aqoti&/<br />

1OBJ-CAUS-CAUS-eat-DAT-DAT-PFTV 3POSS-receptacle<br />

‘he passed by to have me fill his receptacle for him’<br />

79) maamaqasaaní míistun<br />

/maa-maqa-saan-nii-aa miistun/<br />

CAUS-CAUS-sound-DAT-IMPF cat<br />

‘he makes the cat purr’<br />

In all cases, it is the productive maa- prefix that is applied, whether the original causative was<br />

derived with maa- or maq(a)-. Similarly to the case <strong>of</strong> causativized transitives, the highest level<br />

causer receives subject marking, <strong>and</strong> the other core participants are marked as objects. No<br />

formal means exists for determining which object role belongs to the higher level causee <strong>and</strong><br />

which to the lower level causee; example 77 is ambiguous between ‘they are making me kill<br />

you’ <strong>and</strong> ‘they are making you kill me’. <strong>The</strong> ambiguity is resolved through context or<br />

pragmatics. Recursive causativization <strong>of</strong> transitive verbs seems not to be ungrammatical, but is<br />

pragmatically rare.<br />

5.4.1.4 Causative summary. FM <strong>Totonac</strong> has at least one periphrastic construction <strong>of</strong> limited<br />

usage, <strong>and</strong> two morphological causatives. <strong>The</strong> maq(a)- construction is limited to verbs <strong>of</strong><br />

partially involuntary physical or emotional sensation <strong>and</strong> a small number <strong>of</strong> other lexicalized<br />

causatives. <strong>The</strong> productive maa- construction is possible with all other verbs in the language,<br />

transitive or intransitive, except for three <strong>of</strong> the positionals; it requires the co-occurrence <strong>of</strong> the<br />

transitivizing suffix with most verbs. <strong>The</strong> morpho-syntactic facts <strong>of</strong> person agreement marking<br />

are the same for both morphological derivations: the causer in A role is marked by subject<br />

affixes; the causee takes the O role <strong>and</strong> object marking, as does, simultaneously, any original O<br />

argument.<br />

Dixon (2000:362) discusses nine semantic parameters that apply to causative constructions<br />

cross-linguistically, <strong>and</strong> that <strong>of</strong>ten distinguish one causative mechanism from another within a<br />

single language. <strong>The</strong>se parameters are State/action, Transitivity, Control, Volition, Affectedness,<br />

Directness, Intention, Naturalness, <strong>and</strong> Involvement. <strong>The</strong> differential usage <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Totonac</strong><br />

causatives are well predicted by Dixon’s schema. <strong>The</strong> maq(a)- construction differs from<br />

constructions in maa- on the parameters <strong>of</strong> state/action (maqa- applies only to certain subset <strong>of</strong><br />

intransitives); transitivity (maqa- cannot affix to transitive verbs); control (the majority <strong>of</strong> verbs<br />

taking maqa- are verbs <strong>of</strong> partially involuntary physical or emotional sensation), <strong>and</strong> directness<br />

<strong>and</strong> intention (as predicted, the shorter causative maa-, indicates more direct or intentional<br />

causation). On other parameters, either morphological construction can cover the full range <strong>of</strong><br />

possibilities: the causee can be willing or unwilling, partially or completely affected; the<br />

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