The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-tuunu k-#tatá-aa/ NEG-POT-apart 1SUB-sleep-IMPF ‘I can’t sleep apart from others’ (6,40 jsf) The final group of preverbal morphemes includes the negative and negative polarity items in P19-16. These give every sign of being clitics: they are never stressed; can take as a base words of various classes (see §3.3.9.1); most exhibit nasal epenthesis; and they occur in the outermost positions. The exceptions which never exhibit nasal epenthesis are NEG "aa= (see example 42) and STILL (NOT) naa- (example 43) in preverbal positions 19 and 18 respectively (recall that nasal epenthesis is an optional process that shows inter- and intra-speaker variation). It is possible that the failure of the negation marker "aa= to undergo nasal epenthesis helps to disambiguate it from homophonous negative polarity (and relativizer) "aa=, meaning ‘where’ (example 44). 43) "aanaalaktlaawán /#aa=naa-la-k-tlaawan-aa/ NEG-ALSO-POT-1SUB-walk-IMPF ‘I still can’t walk’ (7,130 mjl) 44) "aanta’aktayaac%á’a& /#aa=ta-ak-ta-yaa-c"á’a&-li&/ where-3SUB.pl-HEAD-INC-standing-THERE ‘where they landed’ (6,137 mjl) Preverbally, then, the structure is fairly straight-forward: negation and the negative polarity items are clitics, as are certain adverbials; all other morphemes in positions 1-13 show consistent signs of being affixes. Only the mood/tense morphemes, by their unstressability, reveal a weaker attachment to the stem than other affixes. The situation among the outer post-verbal morphemes is more problematical. 6.5.3.2.2 Post-verbal outer morphemes. All post-verbal morphemes are included in the stress zone (one vacuously: adverbial =ts’!, without a vowel node, cannot be stressed), and all morphemes from S1-S12 meet all criteria for affixhood. It is the morphemes in S13 to S15 that provide more grist for analysis. ! #'#!
The adverbials in the final post-verbal position are very clitic-like, frequently found attached to all word classes, and frequently preceded by epenthetic nasals. Unlike canonical clitics, -ku’u" STILL takes primary word stress whenever it occurs. The facts of nasal epenthesis are also inconsistent on this extreme of the verb: as noted, nasals are generally epenthesized preceding the adverbial clitics of post-verbal position 15, and also preceding the deictics of position 13, but are never found before any of the person/aspect markers of S14. This seems to indicate that the deictics are less tightly attached to the stem than a set of morphemes that appear farther from the root than they. This situation may have diachronic roots: it seems possible that the deictics developed from independent verbs occurring in a verb sequence construction (see §5.5.4) and were mis-analyzed as attaching after position 12, which could seem to be the end of the verb, since most verbs do not have an affix on the surface in position 14. The suffixes of position 14 offer their own idiosyncracy; they assign stress, but because of the interplay of the stress rules, can never be stressed themselves. Therefore there is conflicting evidence of strength of attachment to the verb of all of the morphemes of the last three post-verbal positions. 6.5.3.3 Degemination at the stress zone boundaries. One other phonological process occurs only in Zone 3. FM Totonac generally preserves false geminates brought together at morpheme boundaries. However, at the edges of the stress zone, where the nasal epenthesis and stress facts are inconsistent, certain morphemes undergo degemination processes. The morphemes involved are four inflectional affixes: first person exclusive k- in prefix position 13, past tense #- in P14, 2 nd person singular and plural subject markers –ti" and –titi" in suffix position 14; and enclitic –ts’! in S15 (see §2.6.2.2 for degemination details). With the exception of 1SUB k-, these morphemes are among those noted in §6.5.3.2 as appearing less tightly bound to the verb stem. It is not clear why degemination should occur precisely where morpheme attachment to the verb stem is weaker. 6.5.3.4 Other evidence of structure. Evidence regarding the order of attachment of the final preverbal vs. post-verbal morphemes of Zone 3 is weak. The negative intensifiers of P16 interact with major aspect in an interesting way. In the progressive and perfective aspects, they are required for simple negation, e.g., "aa=tuu=kú$i (*"aa=kú$i) ‘it didn’t cure him’ (perfective), while in the imperfective and perfect aspects they reveal their intensifier function: "aa=tuu=#kuchíi ‘nothing cured him’ (imperfective). This confirms the stress evidence that the morphemes through S14 attach prior to the negative polarity proclitics. Summary of Zone 3. Zone 3 includes the outermost morphemes, affixes and clitics, occurring in fixed order. It would have been convenient for diagnosing verb structure if the affixes and clitics of this zone had been clearly disntinguishable. However, several morphemes at both edges of the stress zone—those in preverbal position 13 and postverbal positions 13-15—exhibit inconsistent evidence of their status as affixes or clitics. FM Totonac verbal affixes generally are stressable, occur only on verbs, and cannot be separated from a stem by nasal epenthesis, while clitics show the opposite patterns. The conflicting evidence related to the morphemes in question raises ! #''!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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