The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaanan-ii-li&/ OBJ.pl-CAUS-play-TRAN ‘he made them play’ 60) kinkaaliimaapuuqootníin puukápe /kin-kaa-maa-puu-qoot-nii-ni& puukape/ 1OBJ-OBJ.pl- CAUS-INST-drink-DAT-2OBJ cup ‘he made us drink from a cup’ 61) kimaas%teqniit’a /kin-maa-s"teq-niita-[cg]/ 1OBJ-CAUS-stay-PFT-2SUB.sg ‘you have left me’ A fairly large subset of verbs exists in intransitive-transitive pairs, with the intransitive a bare root and the transitive derived with the causative maa-. 62) Examples of intransitive-causativized verb pairs $aa it cooks maa-$aa s/he cooks it $i$i it warms up maa-$i$i s/he warms it xiin it smokes maa-xiin-ii s/he smokes it "aqa he gets dressed maa-"aq-ee s/he dresses him/her mis% it cools off maa-mis%-ii s/he cools it panq it bursts maa-panq-aa s/he pops it puupu it boils maa-puup-ii s/he boils it skaak it dries maa-skaak-aa s/he dries it 5.4.1.1.3 Causative maa- and transitive verbs. Unlike Dixon & Aikhenvald’s (1997) prototypical causative construction which applies only to intransitives, Totonaco transitive verbs also have an unrestricted ability to be causativized with –maa, with the transitivizer –ii or –VV required on most verbs. (Although causative maa- and the transitivizer can occasionally appear independently of each other, they may be generally thought of as a circumfix with a single causativizing function.) As with intransitive verbs, the new causer argument is marked on the verb by subject agreement morphemes. The old A argument, now the causee, or the underlying O argument, now an oblique, may be marked by object agreement morphemes. If both objects refer ! ")#!
to speech act participants, both may be cross-referenced on the verb with object affixes. When a second object argument is in the third person, it is marked by the dative –nii suffix. FM Totonac is a symmetrical object language in Bresnan & Moshi’s (1990) sense, as MacKay and Trechsel (2000) argue for Misantla Totonac. That is, the two objects simultaneously exhibit primary object properties. There is no formal way to determine which object marker references the causee and which the oblique argument. Unless clarified by context or pragmatics, the interpretation is guided by a 2, 1>3 person hierarchy. In non-causative constructions, DATIVE - nii serves similarly to add an additional argument to a transitive verb, e.g. kkuciiyáan ‘I cure you’; kkuciiniiyáan ‘I cure you for him/him for you’. Some examples of causatives of transitive verbs follow: 63) kimaalaaqtsíni /kin-maa-laaqtsin-nii-li&/ 1OBJ-CAUS-see-DAT-PFTV ‘he made me see it’ 64) kinkaatiimaamaqtaqá"ni /kin-kaa-tii-maa-maqtaqal-nii-li&/ 1OBJ-OBJ.pl-PASS-CAUS-care.for-DAT-PFTV ‘he made us pass by to care for him’ 65) kimaaliimíni /kin-maa-lii=min-nii-li&/ 1OBJ-CAUS-bring-DAT-PFTV ‘he made me bring it’ 66) maaki"t"iniiyáan /maa-ki#tli-nii-aa-ni&/ CAUS-sing-DAT-IMPF-2OBJ ‘he makes you sing it’ 67) kmaamaq"tiníini kintúumin /k-maa-maq#ti-nii-ni&-li&/ 1SUB-CAUS-receive-DAT-2OBJ-PFTV ‘I made you receive my money for him’ ! ")'!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125: Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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