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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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151) puuwán<br />

/puu-wan-aa/<br />

LOC-say.it-IMPF<br />

‘he says it over a loudspeaker’<br />

<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> locatives as applicatives is very limited. Like the instrumental, the locatives may<br />

affix to both transitive <strong>and</strong> intransitive verbs with no increase in valence, simply licensing an<br />

oblique argument. With a small number <strong>of</strong> positionals <strong>and</strong> intransitives, the locatives do serve as<br />

applicatives, transitivizing the verbs by promoting an oblique to a core argument. Locative<br />

objects are the least likely <strong>of</strong> all applicative objects to have animate referents, <strong>and</strong> as expected,<br />

they are least likely to take object marking.<br />

5.4.2.5 Body Part Prefixes (BPP). Body part prefixes, <strong>of</strong> which more than 35 are documented in<br />

my database, occasionally serve as applicatives in FM <strong>Totonac</strong>. <strong>The</strong> BPPs are phonologically<br />

reduced forms <strong>of</strong> the full body part nouns that can refer to the part in question, but that also <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

have semantically extended reference. As Gerdts writes <strong>of</strong> the lexical suffixes <strong>of</strong> Halkomelem,<br />

“they are polysemous morphemes showing an elaborate network <strong>of</strong> semantic extensions” (Gerdts<br />

2004:231). In FM <strong>Totonac</strong>, the metaphorical extensions include for example, laka- ‘face’ or any<br />

vertical surface such as a wall or door; ki"- ‘mouth’ or any round opening, like that <strong>of</strong> a jar; paa-<br />

‘belly’ or the interior <strong>of</strong> anything, like a bowl, or the widest part <strong>of</strong> objects like roads or rivers;<br />

tan’- ‘posterior’ or the lower part <strong>of</strong> anything, such as the bottom <strong>of</strong> a chair. Some body part<br />

terms are metaphorical in themselves, being recursively composed <strong>of</strong> body terms, such as tankilh-<br />

‘posterior+mouth=hip’ <strong>and</strong> tuu-pis'- ‘foot+neck=ankle’. While the BPPs have only<br />

occasional use as applicatives, they are ubiquitous in the language. In any context in which a<br />

body part or a metaphorical extension <strong>of</strong> one is present or implied, verbs, nouns <strong>and</strong> adjectives<br />

will be derived with the appropriate body part prefix.<br />

Table 5.2 provides a list <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> the FM <strong>Totonac</strong> BPPs. Some prefixes with a velar segment<br />

have a uvular allomorph that are affixed to roots containing a uvular segment (see the discussion<br />

<strong>of</strong> uvular harmony in §2.6.2.1). Unusually, the BPP tan- ‘rear, bottom’ from tan’ sometimes<br />

appears as tank- or tanq-, inserting a harmonic dorsal to replace the glottalization <strong>of</strong> the final<br />

sonorant which cannot occur word-internally. In most cases the harmonious morphemes differ<br />

only in the velar/uvular segment, such as HAND maka-/maqa, but a few also have vocalic<br />

differences, such as MOUTH kil-/qal-.<br />

Table 5.2 Body part prefixes<br />

BPP Full noun Gloss<br />

’ak- ’aqs"áaqa head<br />

’aqa- taqéen ear<br />

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