The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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stress may fall include the enclitic, all suffixes, the root, and all prefixes out to position 13. 9 Thus the stress zone of the verb (all stressable and stress-assigning morphemes) includes all verbal affixes except the proclitics in P19-15 and the mood and tense markers in P14. If the unstressable mood/tense prefixes were analyzed as proclitics, the stress zone would be more cohesive, including the entire verb with the exception of any proclitics. However, the evidence for their status is mixed. The affix-clitic distinction, which is an issue with other outer morphemes, is discussed further in §6.5.3.2. Examples 39 and 40 show the grammaticality of stress on a prefix in P13 but not on one in P14. Table 6.11 Stress zone P13 Person Agree. P12 Counterexpect. 39) kísnat"i& P11 Person Agree. /kin-snat-li&/ Zone 2 Root and affixes 1OBJ-embrace-PFTV ‘he embraced me’ 40) kasnátli& /ka-snat-li&/ IRR-embrace-PFTV ‘embrace him!’ S12 Aspect S13 Deictics S14 Aspect/Person Clitics S15 Adverbials There is no evidence as to the sequence in which the mostly inflectional affixes of this stress subzone attach, whether first the prefix positions 11-13, or first the suffix positions 12-14 and enclitic position 15. A standard assumption would be that the inflectional prefixes and suffixes 9 Note that an affix must have a full vowel with a root node to receive stress; suffixes lacking vowel nodes such as deictics –c'i" and –pi", person markers –ni", -w!, -ti", perfective –li", and the adverbial –ts’! may never be stressed when word-final. ! #'.!
would attach before the enclitics (but see the following subsection for a discussion of the inconsistent facts regarding affixes vs. clitics in FM Totonac); certainly there is no evidence against this. 6.5.3.2 Affixes vs. clitics. Morphemes occur on both the outer edges of the FM Totonac verb for which the evidence of ‘affixhood’ or ‘clitichood’ is mixed. These include the mood/tense markers just discussed, as well as the deictics and other outer postverbal morphemes. These facts complicate the analysis of verb structure. There are four types of evidence in this language for the strength of attachment of a morpheme to a verb: stress, nasal epenthesis (see §2.6.5.2), position in the verb, and ability to attach to other word classes. Generally affixes may be stressed, clitics may not; nasal epenthesis occurs between independent words and between clitic and stem, but not between affix and stem; clitics attach outside affixes; and clitics but not affixes may attach to words of multiple classes. These phenomena will be used to test the questionable outer morphemes in the following subsections. 6.5.3.2.1 Pre-verbal outer morphemes. The morphemes outside the stress zone on the left of the verb root include the mood/tense markers, a set of adverbials, negation, and various negative polarity elements. Besides their unstressability, the mood/tense markers IRR ka- and future na- show no evidence of clitichood: they do not attach to other word classes, and are not separated from the stem by nasal epenthesis by the great majority of speakers 10 . Except for their inability to be stressed, then, the mood and tense markers pattern with the other prefixes. Their unstressability may indicate a weaker attachment to the verb than that of the more inner prefixes, but is also indicative of the lack of a categorical distinction between clitics and affixes in this language. Adverbials in P15 may occur as independent words or attached to the stem, as diagnosed by lack of primary stress. Those of a single syllable and those without preceding negative or negative polarity morphemes are more likely to attach to the verb or other parts of speech; those with more phonological weight tend to remain as separate words. In either case, nasal epenthesis is the rule. Thus the adverbials seem to behave as clitics or words, but certainly not as affixes. 41) tsaa"tatáma /tsaa-#tata-maa/ OPT-sleep-PROG ‘having other options, he’s sleeping’ (6,46 jsf) 10 It is interesting that my youngest consultant did consistently insert a nasal between the future na- and a stem, so that for example, na- + tasa, natasá ‘s/he will cry’ in standard speech becomes nantasá in her speech. She is the only person to do this among at least two dozen individuals I tested. ! #'"!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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