The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama-aa/ 1OBJ-LEG-touch-IMPF ‘he touches my leg’ 168) kpaatsúukni /k-paa-tsuuk-nii-li&/ 1SUB-BELLY-kiss-DAT ‘I kissed his belly’ 169) qanqaqas%ín /qanqa-qas"i-ni&&/ NOSE-punch-2OBJ ‘he punched you in the nose’ 170) makás%ka s%táan /maka-s"ka-li& s"taan/ HAND-bite possum ‘the possum bit his hand’ In these constructions, the possessor is marked on the verb with an object marker in the case of speech act participants (examples 167, 169), while only occasionally is the dative –nii found with a 3 rd person possessor (example 168 vs. the more typical 166 and 70). This use of the dative on a monotransitive verb is unusual (normally the single 3 rd person object would be zero-marked). It seems to be affixed optionally to disambiguate external possession constructions, which could otherwise be interpreted reflexively. Outside of this last set of examples, object agreement markers appear only in the applicativemetonymic usage and with the idiosyncratic predicates derived with BPPs. It can be argued that each of these latter cases actually represents possessor ascension, and that therefore only the possessors, never the body parts themselves, have object properties. If this is the case, then BPPs are the least prototypical of the applicatives; they may transitivize some intransitives, but the arguments they mark on the verb always remain oblique. 5.4.2.6 Applicative summary. FM Totonac has a variety of affixes that may serve as applicatives, but they vary greatly in their propensity to enter into applicative constructions. The comitative and the dative are the most likely to do so; when they do, the object they bring into ! "+,!
the core as the O argument is highly likely to have a human or animate referent and to share object properties with the base object, as indicated by object agreement markers. Unlike the prototype, both the comitative and the dative may also apply to transitive verbs, increasing their valence. While the comitative and the dative invariably transitivize the intransitives they affix to, the instrumental, locatives and BPPs only occasionally do so. Instead, predicates derived with any of the latter three categories of applicatives often retain their original valence, whether transitive or intransitive. These affixes, then, function as applicatives only in a minority of the constructions in which they appear; when they do so, the O argument they add to the core usually has an inanimate referent. In some constructions with non-compositional semantics, the instrumental and less commonly, the locatives may have a human referent, and in these cases alone the applicative object is marked on the verb via object agreement affixes. Generally, though, the inanimate objects found in instrumental and locative constructions reveal no sharing of object properties with the base object. The evidence for the BPPs as applicatives is the most meager, and the place of body parts on an animacy hierarchy is the most problematical. Body parts naturally occur only with a possessor, and it is the possessor, not the possessum, which receives object marking on many verbs derived with BPPs. The applicatives of FM Totonac can be divided into two categories: those that always derive transitives from intransitives, and generally have human referents that are referenced on the verb through object agreement markers; and those that only occasionally transitivize the intransitives to which they attach, rarely have human referents, and tend not to be marked on the verb. Peterson (1999:34) accounts for the correlation between animacy of applicative objects and possession of object properties as due to the necessity for the grammar to be able to access entities of high topicality. The further correlation in FM Totonac between animacy/object marking and robust applicative construction on the one hand, and lack of animacy/object marking and sporadic applicative construction on the other hand may have the same explanation. 5.4.3 Summary of valence-increasing morphology. The morphology of Totonaco de Filomeno Mata provides a variety of transitivizing constructions, including two causatives and five different types of applicative. Unlike the prototypes discussed by Dixon & Aikhenvald (1997), all of these may increase the valence of transitive and ditransitive, as well as intransitive verbs, routinely allowing the marking of 3- and 4-arguments on the verb. Constructions with a causative and multiple applicatives, such as the one shown in example 171, are possible. 171) kiliimaapuuwas%níi m pála /kin-lii-maa-puu-was"-nii-IMPF pala/ 1OBJ-INST-CAUS-LOC-dig-DAT-aa stick ‘he makes me dig a hole with a stick’ The readiness of FM Totonac to increase the valence of its verbs is typologically unusual. ! "+-!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 244 and 245: harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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