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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooNq" ‘sound <strong>of</strong> snoring’<br />

lakas%úmp'i& ‘aggressive-looking’ kc%imps" ‘I blink’<br />

’aqc%íinc" ‘mare’ paq"c%a& ‘tomato’<br />

wayáamp’i& ‘you ate over there’ kac%iwíinant’i& ‘speak!’<br />

mis%kiniitánts' ‘he already gave it to you’<br />

2.5.3 Root harmony constraints. Roots in FM <strong>Totonac</strong> are governed by three constraints on the<br />

co-occurrence <strong>of</strong> consonants, one <strong>of</strong> which, uvular harmony, continues to be active within certain<br />

morphological contexts (see §2.6.2.1). Uvular harmony requires that dorsal stops within a root<br />

be underlyingly either all [+back] or all [-back], thus /k/ <strong>and</strong> /q/ never co-occur within a root,<br />

e.g., qooq h o& ‘mute’ <strong>and</strong> "wakák’a& ‘liver’.<br />

Fricative harmony disallows coronal fricatives <strong>of</strong> more than one place/manner within a root, that<br />

is /s/, /s"/, <strong>and</strong> /#/ cannot co-occur within a morpheme. This generalization is not always surface<br />

true because <strong>of</strong> the spirantization <strong>of</strong> syllable-final l (see §2.6.1.2). <strong>The</strong> fricative harmony process<br />

is generally not synchronically active in FM <strong>Totonac</strong>, unlike in other varieties <strong>of</strong> <strong>Totonac</strong>, such<br />

as Misantla (McKay 1999:36). (However, see §2.6.2.2.2.3 for a *s%-s" constraint that causes<br />

dissimilation <strong>of</strong> adjacent alveopalatal fricatives across a morpheme boundary.) Examples <strong>of</strong><br />

words with internal fricative harmony are séqsi ‘sweet’ <strong>and</strong> s%éqs%i ‘salty-sweet’.<br />

Similarly, affricate harmony prevents more than one <strong>of</strong> the (coronal) affricates--ts, c%, tl-- within a<br />

single morpheme (tsiitsi" ‘rash’, $e$ ‘pitahaya fruit’), but no synchronic constraints enforce this<br />

harmony in larger domains.<br />

Since affricates may be analyzed as having a sequence <strong>of</strong> +continuant/-continuant features<br />

(Sagey 1986), affricate harmony may be seen as simply the response <strong>of</strong> the fricative portion <strong>of</strong><br />

the segments to the fricative harmony constraint. If this were the case, we would expect<br />

fricatives to combine only with affricates with a matching release. This is generally true;<br />

however four exceptional morphemes in the non-ideophonic lexicon (shown below) <strong>and</strong> several<br />

ideophones contain a fricative <strong>and</strong> an affricate with a different fricative release:<br />

35) Examples <strong>of</strong> non-harmonic words<br />

c%eq" ‘puddle’ c%utóq" ‘s/he pulls it <strong>of</strong>f’<br />

paq"c%a& ‘tomato’ ta"ts’ ‘seed’<br />

2.5.4 Approximant restrictions. <strong>The</strong> three approximants—l, y, <strong>and</strong> w—cannot precede<br />

segments that are featurally too similar to them. This means that l cannot precede the lateral<br />

fricative (nor follow it), y cannot precede i, <strong>and</strong> w cannot precede u within a word. <strong>The</strong>re are two<br />

exceptions to the *yi constraint: sayín ‘rain’ which is historically sa’in, <strong>and</strong> #kayíw’! ‘green’. An<br />

! #+!

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