The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB.sg –ti" and 2SUB.pl –titi" suffixes, suppletive forms of certain morphemes are associated with second person subject. This is the case with four verb roots, one inflectional affix, and three derivational suffixes, as summarized in Table 4.7. Table 4.7 Second person suppletive allomorphs Morpheme 2 nd person allomorph Function/Gloss ’an pin go min tan come qas%mat qas%pat hear maa paa lying down -maa -paa PROGRESSIVE -mii -pii DOWN -c%i& -c%ita& HERE -c%a’a& -pi& THERE In verbs with 2 nd person subject, all relevant morphemes occur in the 2 nd person suppletive form, such that second person subject may be multiply exponed. This may be seen in examples 74 and 75, as well as in the following: 77) "aatooqas%pátpaati& /#aa=tuu=qas"pat-paa-ti&/ NEG-INT-hear2-PROG2-2SUB.sg ‘you aren’t listening’ 78) waayámpi /waa-nan-pi-ti&/ eat-HAB-THERE2-2SUB.sg ‘you ate over there’ 79) tankaapiipítiti n kiw’I /tan-kaa-pii-pi-titi& kiw’I/ REAR-cut-DOWN2-THERE2-2SUB.pl tree ‘you cut the tree down over there’ ! "'.!
80) kiitantliiyaac%itátiti& /kii-tantlii-aa-c"ita-titi&/ RT-dance-IMPF-HERE-2SUB.pl ‘you pl. only come for a moment to dance’ In an interesting example of blocking, (the suppression of a morpheme by another with which it is semantically compatible), the second person allomorphs of the independent verbs and suffixes can never co-occur with the first person plural object marker (for details, see §4.8.2.1). In example 81, the object is first person singular, and the second person allomorphs of the verb and two suffixes are present. In example 82, the object is 1 st plural, and none of the morphemes appears in its second person form. This blocking receives further analysis in §4.8.2.1. 81) s%kinqas%pátpaapi& /s"-kin-qas"pat-paa-pi&/ PAST-1OBJ-hear2-PROG2-DEICTIC2 ‘you were listening to me over there’ 82) s%kilaaqas%matmaac%a’áw /s"-kin-laa-qas"mat-maa-c"a’a-wa& PAST-1OBJ-3OBJpl-hear-PROG-DEICTIC-1pl ‘you were listening to us over there’ 4.8.1.3 Third person subject. The third person singular subject is zero-marked, that is, a verb without other subject markers will be interpreted as having a third person singular subject. The prefix ta- indicates a third person plural subject. With a 3 rd plural subject, the progressive marker takes the suppletive form –maana, as noted in §4.7.2.4. 83) c%uh /c"uh-aa/ spit-IMPF ‘s/he spits’ 84) kintatáami" /kin-ta-taa-min-li&/ 1OBJ-3SUB.pl-COM-come-PFTV ‘they came with me’ ! "'"!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98: 4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
Page 99 and 100: 11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
Page 101 and 102: Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103: 3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107: 3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115: When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117: 3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125: Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 156 and 157: complete linear structure of the FM
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
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5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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