The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

59) kaamaaqamáani
/kaa-maa-qamaanan-ii-li&/
OBJ.pl-CAUS-play-TRAN
‘he made them play’
60) kinkaaliimaapuuqootníin puukápe
/kin-kaa-maa-puu-qoot-nii-ni& puukape/
1OBJ-OBJ.pl- CAUS-INST-drink-DAT-2OBJ cup
‘he made us drink from a cup’
61) kimaas%teqniit’a
/kin-maa-s"teq-niita-[cg]/
1OBJ-CAUS-stay-PFT-2SUB.sg
‘you have left me’
A fairly large subset of verbs exists in intransitive-transitive pairs, with the intransitive a bare
root and the transitive derived with the causative maa-.
62) Examples of intransitive-causativized verb pairs
$aa it cooks maa-$aa s/he cooks it
$i$i it warms up maa-$i$i s/he warms it
xiin it smokes maa-xiin-ii s/he smokes it
"aqa he gets dressed maa-"aq-ee s/he dresses him/her
mis% it cools off maa-mis%-ii s/he cools it
panq it bursts maa-panq-aa s/he pops it
puupu it boils maa-puup-ii s/he boils it
skaak it dries maa-skaak-aa s/he dries it
5.4.1.1.3 Causative maa- and transitive verbs. Unlike Dixon & Aikhenvald’s (1997)
prototypical causative construction which applies only to intransitives, Totonaco transitive verbs
also have an unrestricted ability to be causativized with –maa, with the transitivizer –ii or –VV
required on most verbs. (Although causative maa- and the transitivizer can occasionally appear
independently of each other, they may be generally thought of as a circumfix with a single
causativizing function.) As with intransitive verbs, the new causer argument is marked on the
verb by subject agreement morphemes. The old A argument, now the causee, or the underlying O
argument, now an oblique, may be marked by object agreement morphemes. If both objects refer
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