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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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Generally, word-final obstruents are aspirated <strong>and</strong> sonorants are glottalized phrase-finally before<br />

a pause. Only a consonant with a latent vowel in its release (see §2.2.3) is susceptible to the<br />

attachment <strong>of</strong> the spread or constricted glottis features; the vocalic features appear to be<br />

necessary for the perceptibility <strong>of</strong> the glottal features. Latent vowels are <strong>of</strong>ten deleted in rapid<br />

speech, most <strong>of</strong>ten following a sonorant or fricative, <strong>and</strong> this deletion entails the loss <strong>of</strong> the<br />

spread glottis feature as well. Long vowels in this prosodic context have their moras separated by<br />

a glottal stop, that is, -VV becomes -V’V. <strong>The</strong> details <strong>of</strong> glottal feature epenthesis are given<br />

below.<br />

2.6.5.3.1 Final vowels. Aside from the reduced or latent final vowels which fail to protect the<br />

preceding consonant from prosodic spread/constricted glottis features, final short vowels are<br />

unmarked by glottal features prepausally.<br />

166) Examples <strong>of</strong> non-glottalized final short vowels<br />

túwa ‘difficult’ nakú ‘heart’<br />

munú ‘he waters it’ c%ipá ‘s/he grabs it’<br />

Final long vowels are glottalized, with the second mora <strong>of</strong> the vowel devoiced. It should be noted<br />

that in verbal suffixes, the final mora <strong>of</strong> an unstressed long vowel is deleted by lexical rule wordfinally;<br />

therefore final long Vs are found only in verbal or nominal roots.<br />

167) Examples <strong>of</strong> glottalized final long vowels<br />

c%ís%kú’u& ‘man’ stá’a& ‘s/he sells it’<br />

nána’a& ‘mother’ tant"í’i& ‘s/he dances’<br />

qoolú’u& ‘old man’ pu’u& ‘it’s in the fire’<br />

2.6.5.3.2 Final sonorants. Prepausally, final sonorants with vocalic release features are<br />

glottalized:<br />

168) Examples <strong>of</strong> glottalized final sonorants<br />

kiw’i& ‘tree’ stay’a& ‘squirrel’<br />

qam’a& ‘tasty’ "tantal*a& ‘naked’<br />

c%uun’i& ‘vulture’ wámpar’ ‘he spoke again’<br />

No verbal examples exist for two reasons. Verb roots in FM <strong>Totonac</strong> do not end in sonorants<br />

other than n, <strong>and</strong> the final -n in verb roots does not have associated latent vowel features. Also,<br />

verb stems with final sonorants only occur when sonorant-vowel suffixes have their final vowel<br />

! ).!

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