The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 contains a list of such BPPs). A uvular segment anywhere in the verb root results in the affixation of the uvular allomorph of a harmonizing prefix, although not all body part prefixes with velar stops have uvular allomorphs (described more fully in §2.6.2.1). The intervening prefix position 2 contains only the inceptive or middle voice marker ta-, which of course cannot undergo dorsal harmony. 37) Examples of dorsal harmony with the distributive and BPPs ta-lak-c%awá ‘it closes’ ta-laq-c%oqó ‘he strolls around’ maka-’án ‘he throws it’ maqa-lóonq ‘his hands are cold’ 6.5.1.2.3 Harmony summary. Dorsal harmony and the vowel harmony and coalescence processes among the few affixes closest to the verb root seem to mark out a subzone of tightly bound morphemes within the larger Zone 1. As is often the case in FM Totonac, a zone picked out by one type of evidence conforms only partially with other zones. Outside this harmonic subzone, verbal morphemes do not undergo morphophonological changes when brought together at word edges. The harmony sub-zone may be at the historical core of the FM Totonac verb. 6.5.2 Zone 2. Zone 2 includes the causativized stem plus the variable affix ordering areas on either side (discussed in §6.2). It begins with one of the three person agreement prefixes of P11 and continues to suffix position 10, thus encompassing almost all, and almost only, the verbal derivational morphemes, as depicted in Table 6.7. The exceptional morphemes which prevent this from being denominated the ‘derivational stem’ are kaa-, the inflectional marker just noted in P11 and the progressive aspect suffixes in S6, both included in this derivational zone; and the reflexive in S11 and the deictics in S13, derivational affixes excluded from the zone. Two subzones are spelled out within the variable affix order area, defined primarily by morphosyntactic evidence and blocking, as described in the following subsections. 11 Person Table 6.7 Zone 2 Variable affix ordering 10 Reciprocal 9 Round trip/Pass by 8 Instrumentals 7 Comitative 6 Associative 5 Causatives 4 Locatives 3 Body Parts 2 1 ! ##*! 0 Middle Voice/Inc. VVVoVoiceVoice/In Distributive choative ROOT 1 Transitivizer 2 3 Habitual/Indef.Obj. Object Dative 4 Down 5 Ambulative 6 Progressive 7 Iterative 8 Desiderative 9 Totalitive 10 Meanwhile
6.5.2.1 Valence-changing subzone. This section deals with both valence-increasing and valence-decreasing morphology. The FM Totonac verb has a rich set of applicatives, including the instrumentals, the comitative, the dative, and sometimes the locatives and BPPs, as well as the associative, which can increase the valence of the verb (see §5.4). These valence-increasing morphemes are found from P8 to S3, in effect expanding the causativized stem, as shown in Table 6.8. Table 6.8 Valence-increasing subzone 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 1 2 3 Instrumentals Comitative Associative Causatives Locatives Body Parts Middle Voice/Inceptive Distributive ROOT Something more may be said about the coherence of the valence-increasing subzone: with a single exception, it includes all of the affixes that often lexicalize with a root to yield a new verb with non-compositional semantics. The exception, DOWN, can be included in the subzone by expanding it by one suffix position, to position 4. I have no examples of affixes outside this zone being involved in forming non-transparent lexical items, while most of the morphemes in the zone more or less frequently do so. In spite of the evidence of special lexicalization linking DOWN in S4 with the affixes of this subzone, other facts suggest that the prefixes out to position 10 must attach as a block prior to any suffixes beyond the dative in position 3. This will be addressed in the next sub-section. The valence-increasing span includes some of the valence-decreasing affixes as well: the middle voice/inceptive marker and the indefinite object/habitual suffix. Expanding it by two prefix positions (to the reciprocal in P10) enables it to include all of the valence-changing affixes except for the reflexive, which interacts tightly with the inflectional affixes and is located toward the outer edge of the derived stem. The valence-changing subzone, then, includes all prefixes out to P10 and the suffixes forming part of the causativized stem to S3. ! ##+! Transitivizer Habitual/Indefinite Object Dative
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
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3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
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Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
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Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
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5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
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34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
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134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
Page 206 and 207: eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
Page 208 and 209: 207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
Page 210 and 211: THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
Page 212 and 213: 224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
Page 214 and 215: verbs are possible without any infl
Page 216 and 217: There are also several verb compoun
Page 218 and 219: 5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
Page 220 and 221: 254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
Page 222 and 223: 268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225: Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227: I categorized the responses of each
Page 228 and 229: 2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231: 8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
Page 232 and 233: 6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235: able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237: One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239: s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241: Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243: 34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
Page 246 and 247: Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
Page 248 and 249: stress may fall include the encliti
Page 250 and 251: 42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
Page 252 and 253: questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255: Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257: Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
Page 258 and 259: Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
Page 260 and 261: -maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263: tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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