The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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complete linear structure of the FM Totonac verb, including all inflectional and derivational affixes and clitics. 5.2 Negation and negative polarity items. The outermost pre-verbal position is reserved for the negation morpheme "aa=, followed by three positions of negative polarity, a"= ‘(not) yet’, la= negative potential, and the negative intensifiers (also used as relativizers) tii= (not) anyone, tuu= (not) anything, "aa= (not) anywhere, and $ii= (not) anyhow. Because the negative and all the negative polarity items are unstressable and can attach to verbs, nouns, and adjectives (see §3.3.9), and because nasal epenthesis occurs between most of them and the following stem (see §2.6.5.2), I class them as clitics. 5.2.1 Negative "aa=. The negative morpheme "aa= is a proclitic that can attach to stems of any grammatical class. With verbs, its use as a negator depends on tense, aspect and mood. It serves by itself to produce simple negation with most TAM. However, a negative intensifier is also required for simple negation with the present perfective, and the present and past progressive (as in the last of example 1) (see §5.2.4). 1) Examples of negation !aa=#-qa*í n ta$iiwín ‘he didn’t have words’ NEG-PAST-have ep word (10,2 mjl) !aa=#-ta-tlaxá ‘they didn’t beat him’ NEG-PAST-3SUB.pl-beat (5,118 mjl) !aa=#-ta-tá-#tu ‘they would not have left! NEG-PAST-3SUB.pl-INC-out (10,18 mjl) !aa=tuu= #-ta-núu-ma ‘he wasn’t there’ NEG-INT-PAST-INC-in-PROG (6,53 mjl) 5.2.2 Negative a"=. In the next position, a"= YET, occurs only in conjunction with NEG "aa=, and means ‘not anymore’ or ‘not yet’. In the same position naa= ALSO can occur, but it is not only a negative polarity item; it means ‘also’ when it it cliticized to an affirmative verb, and has the noncompositional meaning of ‘not still’ when it co-occurs with NEG "aa=. The affirmative corresponding to "aa=a"= ‘not yet’ is =ts%! ‘already’, and it occurs at the other extreme of the verb, as an enclitic in the final postverbal position. The same is true for "aa=naa= with the semantics of ‘not still’; its affirmative counterpart is the clitic =ku’u" ‘still’, also appearing in the final postverbal slot. All elements of negation always have scope over the entire verb complex, which can often include two clauses when translated to Spanish or English, e.g., "aalaamaalaaqtsiní ‘he doesn’t make them look at each other’; the meaning ‘he makes them not ! "',!
look at each other’ would require periphrastic expression. The order of a"= is fixed immediately following "aa=, and the three consecutive vowels are shortened, yielding "aa"= in all cases. 2) "aa"s%tápaati& /#aa=a#=s"-ta-paati-aa/ NEG-YET-PAST-3SUB.pl-tolerate-IMPF ‘they couldn’t tolerate it anymore’ 3) "aa"ks%kulí /#aa= a#= k- s"kuli-aa/ NEG-YET-1SUB-smoke-IMPF ‘I don’t smoke anymore’ 4) "aanaakaktitáma /#aa= naa=ka- k- ti-ta- maa-li&/ NEG-ALSO-IRR-1SUB-CNTR-MID-lying-PFTV ‘I’m still not going to bed.’ 5.2.3 Negative potential la=. The second negative polarity morpheme is the negative potential, la=, which can also be categorized as a secondary mood marker. Semantically it adds the meaning ‘not able to’. An affirmative potential statement cannot contain la-, but relies on the use of the pre-verbal adverbial tsee ‘well’, as exemplified in example 7. 5) "aa"latlaawán /#aa=a#=la=tlaawan-aa/ NEG=YET=POT=walk-IMPF ‘he can’t walk anymore’ 6) "aalaliic%iiyáan láaso /#aa=la=lii-c"ii-aa-ni& laaso/ NEG=POT=INSTR-tie-IMPF-2OBJ rope ‘he can’t tie you up with rope’ 7) tsee nakán /tsee-na-k-an-aa/ well-FUT-1SUB-go-IMPF ‘I can go’ ! "'-!
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The phonology and morphology of Fil
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Abstract The phonology and morpholo
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Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
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2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
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3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
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5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
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References ........................
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List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
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List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
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Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduc
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soon, and this language could near
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1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
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Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
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Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
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seem to be mutually necessary for p
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2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
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13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
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17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
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21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
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Vowels never occur word-initially;
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2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
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"panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
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’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
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2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
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2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
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There are a number of roots with un
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2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
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(including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
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96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
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For other speakers, vowel harmony c
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122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
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2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
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consonant, and don’t protect fina
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165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
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fully deleted phonologically (see
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of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
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3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
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4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
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3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107: 3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
Page 108 and 109: 34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
Page 110 and 111: The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113: Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
Page 114 and 115: When possessed, this class of deriv
Page 116 and 117: 3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
Page 118 and 119: 49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
Page 120 and 121: 3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123: Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
Page 124 and 125: Of note is the fact that the number
Page 126 and 127: Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
Page 128 and 129: 5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
Page 130 and 131: 4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
Page 132 and 133: Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
Page 134 and 135: 4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
Page 136 and 137: 4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
Page 138 and 139: 4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
Page 140 and 141: ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
Page 142 and 143: 51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
Page 144 and 145: 4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
Page 146 and 147: 4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
Page 148 and 149: Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
Page 150 and 151: 85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
Page 152 and 153: semantically required, in the case
Page 154 and 155: Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
Page 158 and 159: 5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
Page 160 and 161: 5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163: 5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165: 34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
Page 166 and 167: 44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
Page 168 and 169: eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
Page 170 and 171: 59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
Page 172 and 173: As example 67 shows, ditransitives
Page 174 and 175: 78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
Page 176 and 177: 81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
Page 178 and 179: Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
Page 180 and 181: 92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
Page 182 and 183: However, in the case of a causative
Page 184 and 185: 113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
Page 186 and 187: 124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189: 134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
Page 190 and 191: 146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
Page 192 and 193: ’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
Page 194 and 195: The BPPs comprise one of the very f
Page 196 and 197: 167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199: 5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
Page 200 and 201: A few verbs change meaning in a non
Page 202 and 203: Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
Page 204 and 205: ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
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Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
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I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
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8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
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able to appear to the right of the
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One of my consultants perceived a s
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s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
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Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
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34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
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Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
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Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
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Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
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tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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