The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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IRR Irrealis mood ITER Iterative LEG Leg-related BPP LOC Locative MEAN ‘Meanwhile’ MID Middle voice/Inceptive MOUTH Mouth-related BPP MV Middle voice NC Numeral classifier NECK Neck-related BPP NEG Negation NOM Nominalizer NOSE Nose-related BPP NP Noun phrase O Object OBJ.pl Plural object OPT ‘Having other options’ P Prefix position PART ‘Partially’ PASS Pass-by PAST Past tense PFT Perfect aspect PFTV Perfective aspect PL Pluralizer pl Plural POINT ‘At the point of’ POT Potential mood PROG Progressive aspect PROG2 Progressive aspect, 2 nd person subject allomorph PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3rd person plural subject allomorph PURP Purposive REAR Rear-, bottom-, butt-related BPP REC Reciprocal REF Reflexive/Indefinite subject RT Round-trip: Go, do X, return S Subject; Suffix position SHO Shoulder-related BPP sg Singular TAM Tense, aspect, mood TEM Temple-related BPP TOT Totalitive TRAN Transitivizer UR Underlying representation V Vowel VSO Verb-subject-object YA Already ! &$%!
Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduction. This dissertation constitutes a descriptive grammar of the phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac that highlights typologically unusual phenomena of theoretical interest. Filomeno Mata (FM) Totonac is a member of the Totonac-Tepehua family (eastern Mexico), spoken in and around the municipality whose name it borrows in the state of Veracruz, on the border with Puebla (see Map 1.1). It is a polysynthetic, highly agglutinating, head-marking variety with complex verbal morphology that has not previously been described by linguists. This grammar is based on fieldwork conducted by the author between 2003 and 2009. Map 1.1 Filomeno Mata, Mexico 1.2 Totonac-Tepehua family. The Totonac-Tepehua language family has the third largest speaker population of the indigenous languages of Mexico, after Uto-Aztecan and Mayan. Languages of this understudied family are currently estimated to be spoken by over 200,000 people in the states of Veracruz, Puebla and Hidalgo in eastern Mexico (Kondrak et al 2007). The Totonac-Tepehua family is now widely considered to have no genetic affiliation with any other language family, although Greenberg (1987) proposed classifying it with Penutian, and it was earlier thought to be related to Mayan (see Campbell & Kaufman 1980 for the history and debunking of this hypothesis). It is divided into two main branches. The Tepehua branch ! "!
Page 1 and 2: The phonology and morphology of Fil
Page 3 and 4: Abstract The phonology and morpholo
Page 5 and 6: Table of Contents Acknowledgments..
Page 7 and 8: 2.6.4.2 Vowel harmony .............
Page 9 and 10: 3.3.11.2 Locative nominalizations .
Page 11 and 12: 5.3.2.9 Enclitic adverbials YA -ts%
Page 13 and 14: References ........................
Page 15 and 16: List of Maps and Tables Map 1.1 Fil
Page 17: List of Abbreviations 1exc First pe
Page 21 and 22: soon, and this language could near
Page 23 and 24: 1.5.1 Glottalization/laryngealizati
Page 25 and 26: Chapter 2 The phonology of Filomeno
Page 27 and 28: Table 2.3 Consonant features Root p
Page 29 and 30: seem to be mutually necessary for p
Page 31 and 32: 2.3.1.5 /#/. The glottal stop is a
Page 33 and 34: 13) Examples of /c"/ [c"an] ‘s/he
Page 35 and 36: 17) Examples of /#/ [#áq%aat h i&]
Page 37 and 38: 21) Examples of /l/ [laaqtsín] ‘
Page 39 and 40: Vowels never occur word-initially;
Page 41 and 42: 2.4.5 /o/. /o/ is a mid-back vowel
Page 43 and 44: "panóq h o& ‘loose-fitting’ "t
Page 45 and 46: ’aqoNqs" ‘he braids it’ "qooN
Page 47 and 48: 2.6.1.1 Nasal deletion and assimila
Page 49 and 50: 2.6.1.2 Lateral spirantization. Syl
Page 51 and 52: There are a number of roots with un
Page 53 and 54: 2.6.2.2.2.3 Degemination through di
Page 55 and 56: (including -qe’e and -qo’o). In
Page 57 and 58: 96) /maa-c"uku-ii/ 97) /maa-#tata-i
Page 59 and 60: For other speakers, vowel harmony c
Page 61 and 62: 122)/waa-nan-niita&-[cg] 2 / 123) /
Page 63 and 64: 2.6.4.4.3.3 -ni! suffixes. Two nomi
Page 65 and 66: consonant, and don’t protect fina
Page 67 and 68: 165) /ta-akta-aa-c"a’a&/ MV-desce
Page 69 and 70:
fully deleted phonologically (see
Page 71 and 72:
of words I have included as followi
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e followed only by a deictic (these
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196)/laa-laaqtsin-paa-titi&/ 197) /
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likely to show stress shift are the
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Declarative: [tá’ii s"ánati gab
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Table 2.12 Major and derived color
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Table 2.14 Sound and manner of moti
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colonialization. This would be afte
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212) Examples of loan words with li
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piritóra veladora candle pulátu p
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penultimate stress patterns, derive
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3.3.1.1 Plural affixes. Two general
Page 95 and 96:
3.3.1.3 Agentive plural nouns. Besi
Page 97 and 98:
4) lak-sáasti n tamáqn&u& PL-new
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11) Possessed-Possessor examples s%
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Table 3.7 Body part prefixes laqa-
Page 103:
3.3.5.1 Locative ‘case’. While
Page 106 and 107:
3.3.8 Derogatory derivation. A dero
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34) maya=séqeti& ‘nothing but gr
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The verbal derivational affixes inv
Page 112 and 113:
Table 3.14 Locative nominalizations
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When possessed, this class of deriv
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3.3.11.6. ‘Ought to’ constructi
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49) s%-lii-ta-wilí-nii-ti& 3POSS-P
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3.4.1.2 Adjectives with optional =w
Page 122 and 123:
Table 3.25 Reduplication in adjecti
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Of note is the fact that the number
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Chapter 4 Verbal Inflection 4.1 Int
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5) /k-maa-aa/ kmaa ‘I am lying do
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4.4 Inflectional categories. As sho
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Table 4.4 Overview of inflectional
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4.7.1.1.1 ka- & negative future. To
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4.7.1.2 Counterexpectational. The c
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4.7.2.2 Perfective aspect. The perf
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ongoing ‘right now’. Progressiv
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51) kwésa naktaayáa /kwesa na-k-
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4.8.1 Subject inflection. The subje
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4.8.1.2 Second person subject. Seco
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Besides glottalization and the 2SUB
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85) taqamaanamáana /ta-qamaa-nan-m
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semantically required, in the case
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Table 4.9 Subject and object inflec
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complete linear structure of the FM
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5.2.4 Negative intensifiers. The th
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5.3.1.2 Desiderative mood. The suff
Page 162 and 163:
5.3.2.3 Inceptive/Middle voice ta-.
Page 164 and 165:
34) s%waayampaaqóotits’ /s"-waa-
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44) lamahkú*u& /la-maa-kú'u&/ liv
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eplaced by an idiosyncratic constru
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59) kaamaaqamáani /kaa-maa-qamaana
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As example 67 shows, ditransitives
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78) kintiimaamaatsamaníini s%maa
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81) ktaamináa /k-taa-min-aa/ 1SUB-
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Table 5.1 Comitative Paradigm with
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92) "aakatsiiní /#aa=katsii-nii-aa
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However, in the case of a causative
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113) liitayáa /lii-ta=yaa-aa/ INST
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124) liitas%tú s%tíilan /lii-ta=s
Page 188 and 189:
134) kaawakayáa /kaa-waka-aa/ LOC-
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146) kaac%eeqée /kaa-c"eeqee-aa/ L
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’aq#c"aa- ’aq#c"áan upper shou
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The BPPs comprise one of the very f
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167) kinc%aas%aamá /kin-c"aa-s"ama
Page 198 and 199:
5.4.4 Valence-decreasing constructi
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A few verbs change meaning in a non
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Table 5.3 Transitive verbs taking m
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ta-qolu it rolls maa-qolu s/he roll
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eflexive verbs (see §4.8.2.1), the
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207) kkiitamaqskux"i& /k-kii-ta-maq
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THERE.2SUB is identical to the 2 nd
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224) "aaliwána k"tatá ’ás%ni n
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verbs are possible without any infl
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There are also several verb compoun
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5.6.2 Verb sequencing constructions
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254) kkatsiiníimaa qa"tawaqá /k-k
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268) tsúku s%tastiwí /tsuku-li& s
Page 224 and 225:
Table 6.1 Verbal zones based on aff
Page 226 and 227:
I categorized the responses of each
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2) kkaakiilaknikwilíiw /k-kaa-kii-
Page 230 and 231:
8) talaaliis%kilí n kiw’i& /ta-l
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6.2.3.5 Position 8 instrumentals. A
Page 234 and 235:
able to appear to the right of the
Page 236 and 237:
One of my consultants perceived a s
Page 238 and 239:
s%aktsaqsakutunpará /s"a-k-tsaqsa-
Page 240 and 241:
Table 6.4 2 nd subject morphology s
Page 242 and 243:
34) ktalakás%tu /k-ta-laka-s"tu-li
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harmony with the root (Table 2.9 co
Page 246 and 247:
Table 6.9 Valence-changing subzone
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stress may fall include the encliti
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42) "aalantuunú n k"tatá /#aa=la-
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questions about the usefulness of c
Page 254 and 255:
Caballero, Gabriela. 2008. Choguita
Page 256 and 257:
Mithun, Marianne. 1999. The Languag
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Appendix A. Filomeno Mata Totonac a
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-maana PROG3 Progressive aspect, 3r
Page 262 and 263:
tan- NC Numeral classifier §3.6.2
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The phonology and morphology of Filomeno Mata Totonac

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