Archie to SAM: A Short Operational History of Ground-Based Air ...
Archie to SAM: A Short Operational History of Ground-Based Air ...
Archie to SAM: A Short Operational History of Ground-Based Air ...
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BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE<br />
pensive and unpopular with both the public and politicians. 30<br />
McNamara instead supported a deterrent strategy. 31<br />
There were, <strong>of</strong> course, supporters <strong>of</strong> the system. Systems<br />
analysts opposed a growth in <strong>of</strong>fensive systems and instead<br />
supported ABM defense for silo-based Minuteman ICBM missiles.<br />
And, while both the Advanced Research Projects Agency<br />
and the direc<strong>to</strong>r <strong>of</strong> Defense Research and Engineering opposed<br />
deploying a Nike-X system, they both were “quite enthusiastic”<br />
about an ABM system oriented against a smaller ICBM threat.<br />
The military at the highest level, the Joint Chiefs <strong>of</strong> Staff (JCS),<br />
put aside its interservice bickering <strong>to</strong> unite behind the Army’s<br />
ABM, one <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> core programs. Within the administration,<br />
there were conflicting voices. The secretary <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Air</strong><br />
Force (Harold Brown) and secretary <strong>of</strong> the Navy (Paul Nitze) favored<br />
some sort <strong>of</strong> deployment. There were also political pressures<br />
from Congress and not only from Republicans. Pres.<br />
Lyndon B. Johnson feared that failure <strong>to</strong> deploy the system<br />
could generate a potential ABM gap that would be used by the<br />
Republicans in the upcoming election, just as the Democrats<br />
had effectively used the proported missile gap in the 1960<br />
election. Johnson also feared that the military (specifically the<br />
JCS), unhappy about the conduct <strong>of</strong> the Vietnam War, would<br />
cause political woes. At this point, the public, as is so <strong>of</strong>ten the<br />
case, was uninformed and uninterested in the issue. In fact, a<br />
1965 public opinion poll in Chicago revealed that 80 percent<br />
<strong>of</strong> the respondents thought the United States already had an<br />
ABM system in place! 32 As a side note, this misperception continues<br />
<strong>to</strong> this day.<br />
In late 1966, McNamara sold the president on a dual-track<br />
strategy <strong>to</strong> deal with the issue. The Johnson administration<br />
would attempt <strong>to</strong> fend <strong>of</strong>f ABM proponents by continuing development<br />
and procuring long-lead items, while trying <strong>to</strong> placate<br />
opponents and negate a need for ABM by negotiating an<br />
arms control treaty with the Soviets. President Johnson favored<br />
arms control, as he preferred spending on his beloved Great<br />
Society domestic programs rather than on an unproductive, if<br />
not provocative, arms race. But the Soviets were not interested.<br />
In June 1967, President Johnson met with Soviet Premier Alexi<br />
Kosygin at Glassboro, New Jersey, and discussed an arrange-<br />
192