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Archie to SAM: A Short Operational History of Ground-Based Air ...

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BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE IN THE 1990S<br />

elections. The fate <strong>of</strong> the system may well depend on which political<br />

party controls the executive and legislative branches.<br />

The second set <strong>of</strong> events was technological—successful missile<br />

tests. As one reporter opened his piece on the July 2001 test,<br />

saying, “The brilliant flash in the sky above the Pacific signified<br />

not just a hit by the Pentagon’s pro<strong>to</strong>type missile intercep<strong>to</strong>r<br />

but an opening shot in President Bush’s long political, diplomatic,<br />

and technical battle over a national missile defense system.”<br />

80 Avoiding a simple decoy, the interception demonstrated<br />

that the system could work. For its part, the military was subdued<br />

and modest in its reaction, noting that the full results <strong>of</strong><br />

the tests would not be known for two months and that this<br />

was just the first step on a long journey. Critics noted that the<br />

test vehicle would differ in both hardware and capability from<br />

the deployed system and that even with the successful interception,<br />

a key component failed. 81 The next test (December<br />

2001) was also successful against a warhead obscured by a<br />

single balloon decoy and pieces <strong>of</strong> debris. A third consecutive<br />

success in March 2002 was more impressive: the intercep<strong>to</strong>r<br />

missile picked the warhead instead <strong>of</strong> the three decoys. 82<br />

The third set <strong>of</strong> events was diplomatic. President Bush announced<br />

in December 2001 that the United States was withdrawing<br />

from the ABM treaty. Despite the dire warnings <strong>of</strong><br />

BMD critics, relations with Russia did not spin out <strong>of</strong> control.<br />

In fact, Bush was able <strong>to</strong> fulfill his campaign promise <strong>of</strong> reducing<br />

the numbers <strong>of</strong> nuclear warheads. When the Soviet Union<br />

collapsed in 1991, each side had about 11,000 warheads. The<br />

START II agreement (1993), signed but not ratified, called for<br />

a reduction <strong>of</strong> 3,000 <strong>to</strong> 3,500. Nevertheless, by 2002, each<br />

side had reduced its nuclear arsenal <strong>to</strong> approximately 6,000<br />

warheads. With lessened tensions, further reductions were<br />

possible and pursued. The United States was willing <strong>to</strong> accept<br />

a figure <strong>of</strong> 2,000 <strong>to</strong> 2,500 warheads, while the Russians, severely<br />

strapped for funds, sought even deeper cuts <strong>to</strong> 1,500 or less.<br />

In May 2002, American and Russian leaders signed an agreement<br />

<strong>to</strong> reduce nuclear warheads <strong>to</strong> 1,700 <strong>to</strong> 2,200 by 2012.<br />

The Russians accepted higher numbers than they desired but<br />

did get a concession in a legally binding document. In addition,<br />

they got a role in NATO. The warming relations between<br />

259

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