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Archie to SAM: A Short Operational History of Ground-Based Air ...

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BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE IN THE 1990S<br />

By early 2001, the Russians were no longer pushing their<br />

joint BPI concept. They and the American allies had reluctantly<br />

accepted the idea that the new administration was going forward<br />

with BMD. In late February 2001, the New York Times reported<br />

that the Russians had begun serious talks about BMD.<br />

The Russian foreign minister, Igor Ivanov, stated that “we are<br />

ready and interested in starting a direct dialogue with the US<br />

administration.” 76 For their part, the Europeans saw the way<br />

things were going and tried <strong>to</strong> make the best <strong>of</strong> the situation.<br />

There was press speculation that the Europeans would accept<br />

the American BMD plan in exchange for US acceptance <strong>of</strong> a<br />

proposed European Union deployment force that would be<br />

separate from NATO. 77<br />

President Bush continued <strong>to</strong> push NMD despite domestic and<br />

foreign criticism. The administration asked Congress <strong>to</strong> increase<br />

missile defense spending from $3 billion <strong>to</strong> $8.3 billion. At the<br />

same time, there were reports that the Pentagon planned <strong>to</strong><br />

notify Congress that it would begin building a missile-defense<br />

test range in Alaska. Not only was this in violation <strong>of</strong> the 1972<br />

ABM treaty that limited testing <strong>to</strong> White Sands, New Mexico,<br />

and Kwajalein A<strong>to</strong>ll in the Marshall Islands, but this facility<br />

could also be used for an emergency deployment. The Alaska<br />

site could field 10 intercep<strong>to</strong>r missiles. This helps explains the<br />

high-level view that the testing could conflict with the treaty<br />

“within months, not years.” 78<br />

The first two years <strong>of</strong> the Bush administration produced three<br />

sets <strong>of</strong> events critical <strong>to</strong> BMD development. The first event involved<br />

domestic politics: in June 2001, power in the US Senate<br />

shifted from Republican <strong>to</strong> Democratic hands. NMD was a signature<br />

issue for the Republicans, while the Democrats have<br />

been much more reluctant; the Republicans have tended <strong>to</strong> favor<br />

armaments, while the Democrats advocated treaties <strong>to</strong> deal<br />

with international threats. Or, in the incendiary words <strong>of</strong> the<br />

former speaker <strong>of</strong> the House <strong>of</strong> Representatives, Newt Gingrich,<br />

“It’s the difference between those who would rely on lawyers <strong>to</strong><br />

defend America and those who would rely on engineers and<br />

scientists.” 79 Thus, NMD certainly will have a more difficult<br />

route than appeared <strong>to</strong> be the case after the November 1990<br />

258

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