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Between Facts and Norms - Contributions to a ... - Blogs Unpad

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78Chapter 2markets, businesses, <strong>and</strong> workplaces; offices, courts, <strong>and</strong> the military;schools, hospitals, theaters, <strong>and</strong> museums; political organizations<strong>and</strong> mass media; parties, self-governing institutions, <strong>and</strong>parliaments. This multiplies organizational memberships for theindividual; it exp<strong>and</strong>s the ranges of options. However, this image oflinear progress emerges from a description that remains insensitive<strong>to</strong> increases <strong>and</strong> losses in au<strong>to</strong>nomy. It is blind <strong>to</strong> the largedifferences in the actual use made of a citizenship that allowsindividuals <strong>to</strong> play a role in democratically changing their ownstatus.57 Only the rights of political participation ground the citizen'sreflexive, self-referential legal st<strong>and</strong>ing. Negative liberties <strong>and</strong>social entitlements, on the contrary, can be paternalistically bes<strong>to</strong>wed.In principle, the constitutional state <strong>and</strong> the welfare statecan be implemented without democracy. Even where all threecategories of rights are institutionalized, these negative rights <strong>and</strong>social entitlements are still Janus-faced. His<strong>to</strong>rically speaking, liberalrights crystallized around the social position of the privatepropertyowner. From a functionalist viewpoint, one can conceivethem as institutionalizing a market economy, whereas from anormative viewpoint they guarantee basic private liberties. Socialrights signifY, from a functionalist viewpoint, the installation of.welfare bureaucracies, whereas from a normative viewpoint theygrant compensa<strong>to</strong>ry claims <strong>to</strong> a just share of social wealth. It is truethat both individual liberties <strong>and</strong> welfare guarantees can also beviewed as the legal basis for a social au<strong>to</strong>nomy that first makes itpossible <strong>to</strong> put political rights in<strong>to</strong> effect. But these are empirical,<strong>and</strong> not conceptually necessary, relationships. In different circumstancesnegative liberties <strong>and</strong> social entitlements may well beequally indicative of the privatistic retreat from the citizen's role. Inthat case, citizenship is reduced <strong>to</strong> a client's relationships <strong>to</strong>administrations that provide security, services, <strong>and</strong> benefits paternalistically.The syndrome of civil privatism <strong>and</strong> the selective use of citizenshipfrom the st<strong>and</strong>point of client interests become all the moreprobable the more the economy <strong>and</strong> state-which have beeninstitutionalized through the same rights-develop systemic logicsof their own <strong>and</strong> push citizens in<strong>to</strong> the peripheral role of mereorganization members. As self-regulating systems, economy <strong>and</strong>

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