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Between Facts and Norms - Contributions to a ... - Blogs Unpad

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509-- -----Citizenship <strong>and</strong> National Identitysal human rights. Article 4 of the Revolutionary Constitution of1793, which defined "The Status of Citizen," was already quiteconsistent in granting every adult foreigner who lived for one yearin France not just the right <strong>to</strong> remain within the country but alsoactive citizenship rights.In the Federal Republic, as in most Western legal systems, thelegal status of aliens, homeless foreigners, <strong>and</strong> stateless persons hasat least become more like the status of citizens. Because thearchitec<strong>to</strong>nic of the Basic Law is defined by the idea of humanrights, every inhabitant enjoys the protection of the Constitution.Foreigners have the same duties, entitlements, <strong>and</strong> legal protectionsas do native citizens; with few exceptions, they also receiveequal treatment with regard <strong>to</strong> economic status. The large numberof statutes that are indifferent <strong>to</strong> membership status relativizes the·real significance of its absence. The human-rights component ofcitizenship will be strengthened through supranational rights, <strong>and</strong>especially through European Civil Rights, which might even affectthe core opportunities for exercising political influence. TheFederal Constitutional Court's decision of Oc<strong>to</strong>ber 31, 1990, isnotable in this context. Though it declared unconstitutional theright offoreigners <strong>to</strong> vote in municipal <strong>and</strong> district elections (i.e.,the local voting right of foreigners), its justification at least acknowledgedthe principles raised by the petitioners: "Behind thisview obviously st<strong>and</strong>s the notion that the idea of democracy, <strong>and</strong>especially the idea ofliberty contained in it, implies that a congruenceshould be established between the possessors of democraticpolitical rights <strong>and</strong> those who are permanently subject <strong>to</strong> a specificgovernment. This is the proper starting point."20These trends simply mean that the normative content of acitizenship largely dissociated from national identity does notprovide arguments for restrictive or obstructionist asylum <strong>and</strong>immigration policies. However, it remains an open question whetherthe European Community of <strong>to</strong>day, in expectation oflarge streamsof immigrants, can <strong>and</strong> ought <strong>to</strong> pursue foreigner <strong>and</strong> immigrationpolicies as liberal as those of the Jacobins in their day. Thepertinent discussion in moral theory, <strong>to</strong> which I restrict myself here,turns on the concept of "special duties," those special obligationsthat exist only within the social boundaries of a community. The

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