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Between Facts and Norms - Contributions to a ... - Blogs Unpad

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488-- ------- --- ---- -- -- ----- ------------Appendix Ipregeneralized interest positions. But are not these two assumptionsthemselves unrealistic? Not entirely, so long as we are onlynormatively assessing the alternatives that are possible in principle.As we have seen, democratic procedures should produce rationaloutcomes insofar as opinion-formation inside parliamentary bodiesremains sensitive <strong>to</strong> the results of a surrounding informalopinion-formation in au<strong>to</strong>nomous public spheres. No doubt thissecond assumption of an unsubverted political public sphere isunrealistic; properly unders<strong>to</strong>od, however, it is not u<strong>to</strong>pian in a badsense. It would be realized <strong>to</strong> the extent that opinion-formingassociations developed, catalyzed the growth of au<strong>to</strong>nomous publicspheres, <strong>and</strong>, in virtue of the natural visibility such associationsenjoy, changed the spectrum of values, issues, <strong>and</strong> reasons. Thiswould both innovativelyunleash <strong>and</strong> critically filter the elements ofdiscourse that have been channeled by the mass media, unions,associations, <strong>and</strong> parties, according <strong>to</strong> the dictates of power. In thefinal analysis, of course, the emergence, reproduction, <strong>and</strong> influenceof such a network of associations remains dependent on aliberal-egalitarian political culture sensitive <strong>to</strong> problems affectingsociety as a whole-a culture that is even jumpy or in a constantstate ofvibration, <strong>and</strong> thus responsive.4.3Let us assume that complex societies would be open <strong>to</strong> suchfundamental democratization. In that case, we are immediatelyconfronted with objections that conservatives since Edmund Burkehave repeatedly marshaled against the French Revolution <strong>and</strong> itseffects.26 In this final round of reflection, we must take up thearguments that such thinkers as Joseph de Maistre <strong>and</strong> Louis deBonald have used <strong>to</strong> remind overly naive believers in progress ofthe limits of what can be done. The overextended project of a selforganizingsociety, so the argument goes, carelessly disregards theweight of traditions, organically developing reserves <strong>and</strong> resourcesthat cannot be created at will. As a matter of fact, the instrumentalismunderlying a practice that directly attempts <strong>to</strong> realize theoryhas had disastrous effects. Robespierre already set up an oppositionbetween revolution <strong>and</strong> constitution: the Revolution exists for war<strong>and</strong> civil war, the Constitution for the vic<strong>to</strong>rious peace. From Marx

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