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Between Facts and Norms - Contributions to a ... - Blogs Unpad

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275Judiciary <strong>and</strong> Legislaturesphere as well as its cultural context <strong>and</strong> social basis. A deliberativepractice of self-legislation can develop only in the interplay between,on the one h<strong>and</strong>, the parliamentary will-formation institutionalizedin legal procedures <strong>and</strong> programmed <strong>to</strong> reach decisions<strong>and</strong>, on the other, political opinion-formation along informalchannels of political communication. Relevant initiatives, issues<strong>and</strong> contributions, problems <strong>and</strong> proposals come more from themargins than from the established center of the spectrum ofopinions. "So the suggestion is that the pursuit of political freedomthrough law depends on 'our' [the Supreme Court's] constantreach for inclusion of the other, of the hither<strong>to</strong> excluded-whichin practice means bringing <strong>to</strong> legal-doctrinal presence the hither<strong>to</strong>absent voices of emergently self-conscious social groups."65The deliberative mode of legislation <strong>and</strong> a strict dependence ofadministrative activity on statu<strong>to</strong>ry guidelines are threatened just asmuch by au<strong>to</strong>nomous <strong>and</strong> self.-programming bureaucracies as bythe privileged influence exerted by formally private social organizations.In the United States, however, the influence of interestgroups that implement their private aims through the governmentapparatus at the cost of the general interest is considered the realproblem, at least since the famous discussion between the Federalists<strong>and</strong> the Antifederalists. In this classical stance against thetyranny of societal powers that violate the principle of the separationof state <strong>and</strong> society, rejuvenated republicanism, <strong>to</strong>o, conceivesthe role of the constitutional court as that of a cus<strong>to</strong>dian ofdeliberative democracy:The American constitutional regime is built on hostility <strong>to</strong> measures thatimpose burdens or grant benefits merely because of the political powerof private groups; some public value is required for governmental action.This norm . . . . suggests, for example, that statutes that embody mereinterest-group deals should be narrowly construed. It also suggests thatcourts should develop interpretive strategies <strong>to</strong> promote deliberation ingovernment-by, for example, rem<strong>and</strong>ing issues involving constitutionallysensitive interests or groups for reconsideration by the legislature orby regula<strong>to</strong>ry agencies when deliberation appears <strong>to</strong> have been absent.66Sunstein discusses some of the consequences that this guardianrole has for deliberative politics. He starts with review proceedingsin which the Supreme Court rejected statutes for their "discrimi-

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