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The Battle of Britain Five Months That Changed History, May—October 1940 by James Holland (z-lib.org).epub

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on the point of collapse. That was still a very long way off, but it

represented an important psychological chink of light.

Germany’s premature economic collapse was a line even Ambassador

Joe Kennedy believed. As he pointed out in a letter to his youngest son,

Bobby, there were millions of people in Nazi-occupied Europe who might

well find it difficult to get enough food during the next winter. ‘And when

people are starving,’ he wrote, ‘there is no limit to what they will do.’

Kennedy remained sceptical about Britain’s chances, however. With

little access to Churchill, Beaverbrook had become his closest source, and

told the Ambassador that Churchill believed that if they could get over the

summer months, then the crisis would have passed. Beaverbrook confided

to Kennedy that he now felt even more optimistic than that. More than just

resisting invasion, he was beginning to feel that the RAF might be able to

‘overcome’ the Luftwaffe. ‘I thought this optimism,’ noted Kennedy, ‘was a

clever attempt to enlist more active United States support, and Beaverbrook

admitted that they were doing an about-face to make their situation look as

bright as possible.’

Kennedy might have been suspicious about this upbeat new line, but

Raymond Lee believed Britain now had a real chance of holding out.

Thanks to his earlier time as attaché, Raymond was already a well-known

and popular figure amongst Britain’s military hierarchy, and consequently

found many doors open to him. In fact, he was often given greater access

than Kennedy, and furthermore had a greater understanding of military

matters. Like everyone, he was sure Hitler’s all-out attack would begin any

moment. ‘I also believe,’ he added sagaciously, ‘that if he is not successful

by the fifteenth of September, he will never be.’

Raymond’s more positive reports were certainly a marked contrast with

those of the Ambassador. ‘I send plenty of cables home,’ he jotted in his

diary, ‘in which I call ’em as I see ’em.’ This had not gone unnoticed and

coincided with Roosevelt’s suspicions about Kennedy’s judgement.

Deciding he needed an independent opinion, the President sent to Britain

one of his trusted old friends, Colonel William ‘Wild Bill’ Donovan, and

the journalist Edgar Ansel Mowrer, to assess Britain’s chances. Kennedy

was incensed. Not only had he not been consulted, but his protests when he

learned what was afoot had been ignored. Then, when Donovan and

Mowrer did finally arrive on 20 July, Donovan persisted with the charade

that he was there to try and understand how Britain’s conscription law

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