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Aa.Vv. (2016), Commons/Comune, Società di studi geografici. Memorie geografiche NS 14, pp. 79-87<br />

GIORGIA IOVINO<br />

WATERFRONTS AS COMMONS?<br />

ON THE REDISTRIBUTION EFFECTS OF URBAN REGENERATION PROJECTS. SOCIAL<br />

PRACTICES AND LOCAL PUBLIC CHOICE IN A CASE STUDY IN SOUTHERN ITALY<br />

You want to know what’s wrong with our waterfront?<br />

It’s the love of a lousy buck. It’s making the love of the lousy<br />

buck – the cushy job – more important than the love of man.<br />

(Karl Malden acting as Father Barry<br />

in the movie On the waterfront, 1954)<br />

1. INTRODUCTION. — Waterfronts in port cities are places full of cultural stratification, symbolic<br />

and identity values, landscape and environmental resources. Their great competitive potential, in terms<br />

of rent and land value, exposes them to a profit driven urbanization process more than in the case of<br />

other types of urban spaces. This explains why these fluid and transitional areas, edges between land<br />

and water, when affected by regeneration plans, are transformed in most cases in the arena of conflicts<br />

between different interests, values and objectives often diverging and difficult to reconcile.<br />

The outcome of this tension may vary significantly, depending on the context and on different<br />

variables such as, local governance structures, the level of local empowerment of specific groups and<br />

especially their attitudes to collective action. By simplifying a bit, we could say that the base and the<br />

stakes in these process end up in the confrontation of two alternatives: the commodification of the waterfront<br />

and the generation of new urban common (commodity versus commons).<br />

Starting from such perspective, the present paper compares two specific case studies in order to<br />

understand the socio-spatial dynamics triggered by the competition for the use of urban space in waterfront<br />

areas affected by regeneration projects. The framework of the empirical cases is Salerno, a city<br />

of small-medium sized interested in the last twenty years by a significant urban renewal program. This<br />

has been praised by many as a model of dynamism and local administrative capacity, a best practice to<br />

look at in a difficult area like Southern Italy. Protests and local resistance actions, however, signal a<br />

different reality that we deem important to analyze and understand in its articulations.<br />

After a first section aimed at defining the theoretical framework, we discuss the case studies pursuing<br />

three main objectives: a) describe methods and urban practices used by these grassroots movements<br />

b) verify whether and to what extent they have solicited a change in social perception of the<br />

place c) evaluate whether these practices have produced new urban common.<br />

2. THE THEORETICAL BACKGROUND. — The growing demand for common goods (1) in urban areas<br />

is the expression of a widespread social distress related to the many evils that afflict the contempo-<br />

(1) Starting from the work of Elinor Ostrom (1990), Governing the Commons, an intensive political and cultural debate has developed<br />

on the concept and the issue of the commons. From this debate a rich field of interdisciplinary studies has spurred. The expression – initially<br />

used to indicate natural and traditional resources (pastures, forests, agricultural land, fishing areas) communally managed (through precise<br />

rules of commoning) – has come to refer to a diverse and disparate range of new commons, global and local, natural and artificial, tangible<br />

and intangible (Lessing, 2001; Hess, 2008; Bollier, 2015), a list that continues to grow, and – as pointed out by Coccoli (2013, p. 6; our<br />

translation) – “makes increasingly difficult to find a common physiognomy that can provide us with operating rules of the concept”. A<br />

certain vagueness also concerns the more restricted sphere of the urban commons, that ranges, according to the analytical (and ideological)<br />

perspectives adopted, from public spaces (parks, squares, streets, etc.), to urban services (transport, health services, education, etc.), from the<br />

environment to safety up to include the city as a whole (Hardt, Negri, 2009; Salzano, 2009; Harvey, 2012).<br />

Quest’opera è soggetta alla licenza Creative Commons Attribuzione – Condividi allo stesso modo 4.0 Internazionale

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